ቢያዩኝ እስቅ፣ ካላዩኝ እሰርቅ-ወያኔ

ተጠናቀቀ ኢትዮጵያዊነት

ተጠናቀቀ
ተው በለው ተው በለው
ቴሬ ጠረፍ ሽፈራው
ከልብ አስደስተሽኛል እህቴ ይሄ ነው የኢትዮጵያዊነት

እንዴት ባሳደገዉ ባጎረሰው ወገን
ህሊናስ ይፈቅዳል ብረት ለመደገን
ያበቀለህ ምድር ህዝቧም ጨዋ ናቸዉ
እጆችህ ጭካኔን ማን አስተማራቸዉ

ከወንድሜ ፊት ላይ አይቼዉ እግርህን
እንዳላምን አረከኝ ከሰው መፈጠርህን
የዛሬን ተዉእና በል የነገን አልም
ታዝዤ ነዉ ማለት ከፍርድ አያድንም

ለህሊናህ ታዘዝ ባክህ እወቅበት
ያንተም ቀኑ ሲመሽ መልስ እንዳታጣበት
መንገድ ላይ የጣልካት ልጄን ብላ ወታ
እስኪ እናቴ ብትሆን ብለህ አስብ ላፍታ

ጠላት ብታደርግኝ በልተን በአንድ ሞሰብ
ከብዶኛል ስራህን ለደቂቃ ማሰብ

ቸር አውለኝ ብለህ የምትማፀነው
ጌታ አይቆጣም ወይ ወንድምክን ስትገድለው
የማትፈቅደዉን እንዲደርስ አንተ ላይ
በሰው አታድርገው ይቆጣሃል ከላይ

ምትለምንልህን እንዲሰጥህ እድሜ
እህትክን ገደልካት ምን ነካህ ወንድሜ
በወገኖችህ ደም ታጥበከዉ እጅህን
እንዴት ነዉ ሚሰማዉ ፈጣሪስ ፀሎትህን
ጨክነህ ከሳብከዉ የብረትክን ላንቃ
ከሰዉ መፈጠርክን ዘንግተሃል በቃ

ከ ሄኖክ ነጋሽ

የዐማራ ብሔርተኝነት ለምን?

በዐማራ ብሔርተኝነት ላይ በማህበራዊ ሚዲያ ከሚጽፉ ጎልማሳ ወጣቶች ውስጥ አቶ አያሌው መንበር እና አቶ ሙሉቀን ተስፋው ጋር በፎረም 65 ላይ “የዐማራ ብሔርተኝነት ለምን?” በሚል አጭር ቆይታ አድርገናል።

ቢያዩኝ እስቅ፣ ካላዩኝ እሰርቅ-ወያኔ

ራስ ዳሽን (ራስ ደጀን) በትግራይ ክልል ውስጥ እንደሚገኝ የሚያሳየው የ6ኛ ክፍሉ የእንግሊዘኛ መጥሃፍ በስህተት የታተመ መሆኑን ፥ የክልሎችን ካርታ የሚያሳየው የ 10 ክፍል የስነ ዜጋ መጥሃፍ መጥሃፍም እንዲሁ ስህተት እንዳለበት ትምህርት ሚንስቴር አምኖ ይቅርታ ጠየቀ ይላል ዜናው ።

Behind the Ethiopia protests: A view from inside the government

African Arguments

An ex-cabinet minister in the Ethiopian government and former president of Oromia Regional State explains why the current turmoil has come as no surprise.

Scenes from the recent protests. Credit: Jawar Mohammed.

For over two decades, the Ethiopian government has been walking with its eyes shut towards the edge of the cliff. It is now tittering on the brink.

The protests and strikes that have been held across several towns and cities since last year and have intensified over the past couple of months may have come as a surprise to those who accepted the “Ethiopia rising” myth. But it has come as no surprise to those of us who have seen the political system unfurl from the inside.

[Ethiopia’s unprecedented nationwide Oromo protests: who, what, why?]

Missed opportunities

When a coalition of insurgent groups defeated the former military ruler Mengistu Hailemariam in 1991, most Ethiopians hoped the country would finally put aside its sad history of civil war and poverty and embark on a democratic and prosperous future.

This hope was not without reason. A transitional charter that got rid of the much despised centralised state structure culminated in a federal system that would give self-rule to the country’s 80-plus ethnic groups. Eritrea was allowed to hold a referendum to secede, which it did. Furthermore, given that the rising power-holders were former student radicals who had rebelled against military rule, many hoped the new leaders would be committed to democratic principles.

Yet within a year, this hope had begun to crumble. In 1992, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a key member of the transitional government, was pushed out and resumed armed insurgency. Then, in 1994, the Ogaden National Liberation Front, which had represented the Somali ethnic group (the third largest in the country) in the negotiation of the Transitional Charter, also resumed armed struggle.

But despite such setbacks, many in the international community and in Ethiopia gave the new rulers the benefit of the doubt. In 1998, then US president Bill Clinton praised Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, Isaias Afewerki of Eritrea and few others as the “new generation of democratic leaders” in Africa.

Domestically, some began to embrace the new rulers too, whether out of disappointment with the fractured opposition or because they were pleased with some positive changes in social and economic policy.

In 1998, war broke out with Eritrea. This conflict dashed hopes of peace in the region, but it brought about national cohesion within Ethiopia as the public rallied behind the government, led by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

Many hoped the ruling party would use this support to establish an inclusive and democratic political system in the post-war era a couple years later. But instead, the war brought friction within the ruling party, with the winning faction led by Meles Zenawi purging almost half the senior leadership.

Nevertheless, this move still strengthened hopes for reform. The perception was that the hardliners had lost in the purge, while the reformists had won. Meles had also aligned himself with non-Tigreans to help him overcome the leadership challenge within the TPLF, leading many to assume Tigrean dominance would be reduced. Furthermore, the prime minister put several reforms on the agenda for internal and public discussion.

However, as it turned out, Meles was only keeping up the prospect of reform until he re-consolidated power. And he soon began attacking ideas of political and economic reform as part of conspiracies by neoliberal Western forces.

The country responded to the now growing authoritarianism and Tigrean domination by severely punishing the ruling coalition in the 2005 elections, with some claiming the opposition was robbed of victory by electoral fraud. In the face of the mass protests that ensued, Meles resorted to extreme repression and a crackdown against the opposition,killing hundreds.

At this point, many Oromo military generals gave up on the hope of internal reform and defected to Eritrea to join the OLF rebels. Amhara generals were accused of plotting a coup d’etat and were thrown in jail. And thousands of high and mid-ranking Amhara and Oromo officers were purged.

Meanwhile, mistrust and paranoia within the TPLF leadership continued to increase. In order to cut off economic support for the dissent, businessmen of Oromo, Amhara and Gurage origin had their business activities taken over by Tigreans or were jailed.

Meles’ death, Hailemariam’s staged succession

Meles died in the summer of 2012 after 21 years in power. As he was the main actor blocking reform due to fears of losing personal power, many believed his departure could lead to a fresh start. Those of us within the regime clandestinely circulated this idea.

However, the reaction from the TPLF leadership was extremely negative. They perceived the idea of a new transition as a conspiracy to push them aside. They appointed a non-Tigrean – Hailemariam Desalegn – to be Meles’ replacement, but this gesture was totally disingenuous as they simultaneously took swift measures to cripple the new PM’s power.

To begin with, they appointed some 37 generals, almost all of them Tigreans, before the new prime minister took office in violation of the constitution which gives such power to the prime minister and president.

They reduced the prime minister’s control over ministries by increasing the number of deputy prime ministers from one to three, with each ministry having to report to these deputies rather than the PM himself.

The Chief of Staff of the armed forces, the chiefs of intelligence, and foreign affairs remained in the hand of the TPLF. Several senior advisors were appointed to Hailemariam, almost all of them Tigreans. And while most of the hardline TPLF members who were pushed out in 2001 began to work covertly with the system again, those in government opposed to the increasing one-party monopoly were either demoted or, as in my case, purged.

The country did not only lose a chance to reform with Meles’ death, but entered a new and dangerous era. As the TPLF could not find a direct replacement for Meles, leadership rivalries emerged and fractured the TPLF. Meanwhile, several non-Tigreans in government finally gave up on internal reform and started actively colluding with opposition parties and activists.

No surprises

For those of us who have seen the genesis of the current crisis from the inside, the current turn of events is therefore not surprising.

The eruption of mass protests in the two largest regions of Oromia and Amhara was inevitable as these communities have been deliberately and systematically marginalised.

The resilience of these protests is also not unexpected, given not just the depth of the people’s grievances but the complete lack of will to reform from the government. Thebrutal response of the regime is also in keeping with its paranoia about the rise of either the Oromo or Amhara against Tigrayan domination or of the alliance between the two.

The government seems to think it can kill and jail its way out of this unprecedented crisis, but no government could ever kill or jail such a vast percentage of its population.

The ruling party has shown that it can no longer reform itself and the state apparatus. It is therefore in the best interest of the country and the region that the regime steps aside to allow an inclusive transitional arrangement.

Juneydi Saaddo is the former President of Oromia Regional State, the largest region in Ethiopia. He served as Ethiopia’s Minister for Transport & Communication, Minister for Science and Technology, and Civil Service Minister until 2012.

Israel’s role in South Sudan under scrutiny amid violence

By Tia Goldenberg and Justin Lynch | AP

JERUSALEM — Escalating violence in South Sudan is casting a light on Israel’s murky involvement in that conflict and raising questions about Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s new strategy of strengthening ties with African countries.

Netanyahu has been forging alliances across Africa in an effort he says will help blunt Palestinian diplomatic initiatives against Israel at the United Nations.

But critics says these new ties — illustrated by Netanyahu’s high-profile visit to several African countries in July — have come without regard for the human rights records of those allies.

Such concerns have been magnified by Israel’s close ties to South Sudan, whose government has used Israeli arms and surveillance equipment to crack down on its opponents. Critics say Israel’s global arms export policies lack transparency and proper oversight, and ignore the receiving country’s intended use.

“It is the role of the prime minister, the defense minister and the foreign minister to look out for Israel’s interests. But this has a limit: not at any cost and not with everyone,” said Tamar Zandberg, an Israeli opposition lawmaker who has filed a court appeal to halt Israeli sales of sensitive technology to South Sudan.

Israel has long viewed South Sudan as an important ally and a counterweight to neighboring Sudan’s support for Islamic Palestinian militants. Israel was one of the first countries to recognize South Sudan’s independence in 2011, and South Sudanese leader Salva Kiir visited Israel months later.

Since South Sudan descended into civil war in 2013, some 50,000 people have been killed and 2 million have been displaced.

In July, hundreds died when fighting erupted in the capital, Juba. South Sudanese troops went on a nearly four-hour rampage at a hotel, killing a local journalist while forcing others to watch, raping several foreign women, and looting the compound, several witnesses told The Associated Press.

Just days earlier, Netanyahu had traveled to four African countries — Uganda, Kenya, Rwanda and Ethiopia — in a visit meant to cultivate new allies in his diplomatic battle with the Palestinians. It was the first visit to sub-Saharan Africa by a sitting Israeli prime minister in nearly three decades.

During the visit, he convened a summit with seven regional leaders, including Kiir — nearly all of whom have been criticized by rights watchdogs for alleged abuses.

Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta has been charged by the International Criminal Court with crimes against humanity for his role in stoking ethnic violence, charges that were later withdrawn, with the prosecutor accusing Kenya of blocking her investigation. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, 71, has served for 30 years and is trying to change the constitution so he can effectively extend his rule for life. Rwandan President Paul Kagame has been dogged by allegations of human rights abuses in neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo and criticized by rights groups for being an authoritarian ruler.

A U.N. report in January said Israeli surveillance equipment was being used by South Sudanese intelligence, allowing it to intercept communications in a “significantly enhanced” crackdown on government opponents.

The report also found that an Israeli automatic rifle known as the Micro Galil is “present in larger numbers than before the outbreak of the conflict.”

According to the report, Israel sold the rifles to Uganda in 2007, which transferred the weapons to South Sudan’s National Security Service in 2014. According to the report, Israel said it didn’t receive a request from Uganda for the transfer.

Eitay Mack, an Israeli lawyer working with Zandberg, the opposition lawmaker, said weapons export licenses require knowledge of end users and mid users — meaning the transfer would either have been done with Israel’s knowledge or would have prompted an investigation into the offending company. He said no investigation was known to have been opened.

The U.N. report said Israeli ACE rifles were used in a massacre that targeted Nuer citizens in Juba in 2013.

Zandberg said Israel stopped sending firearms to South Sudan in 2013 but that export licenses for the surveillance equipment continue. The Israeli Defense Ministry did not respond to requests for comment.

Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesman Emmanuel Nahshon said Israel is “extremely satisfied with our renewed relations with many African countries and Israel does not interfere in those countries’ internal affairs.” He rejected criticism of the Israeli outreach, suggesting Israel was being unfairly singled out. The United States and other Western countries also consider many African countries important allies.

The European Union has placed an arms embargo on South Sudan, and following the outbreak of violence, the U.S. imposed sanctions on top military officials from both sides of the conflict.

In August, the U.N. Security Council approved an additional regional protection force to enter South Sudan, but decided against an arms embargo on the country.

“Even without an international arms embargo, states should unilaterally suspend arms transfers given the likelihood that arms would be used to commit human rights violations,” said Elizabeth Deng, Amnesty International’s South Sudan researcher.

Zandberg and Mack asked Israel’s Supreme Court in May to force Israel to explain why it has continued export licenses for the surveillance system to South Sudan. Reflecting Israel’s typically opaque approach to such transfers, the Defense Ministry asked for a gag order to be imposed on the proceedings. A hearing is scheduled later this month.

Zandberg is also seeking to change Israel’s weapons export oversight law, which she says does not adequately ensure that Israeli arms don’t end up in troubled countries.

The law states that Israel shall not supply weapons to any country under a Security Council arms embargo. But the council can often be slow to act, and Zandberg wants Israel’s Foreign Ministry to have clout in determining whether it should allow arms transfers.

A 2013 report by Israel’s state comptroller pointed to “shortcomings, some of them significant,” in export oversight, including a lack of personnel to investigate possible breaches and lax enforcement of requirements for exporters.

“A country that hands out these export licenses has to be accountable and to take responsibility for the (weapons’) final use,” Zandberg said.

___

Lynch reported from Juba, South Sudan.

Joint letter to UN Human Rights Council on Ethiopia

Geneva, 8 September 2016

To Permanent Representatives of
Members and Observer States of the
UN Human Rights Council
RE: Addressing the escalating human rights crisis in Ethiopia

Your Excellency,

The undersigned civil society organisations write to draw your attention to grave violations of human rights in Ethiopia, including the recent crackdown on largely peaceful protests in the Oromia and Amhara regions.

As the UN Human Rights Council prepares to convene for its 33^rd session between 13 – 30 September 2016, we urge your delegation to prioritise and address through joint and individual statements the escalating human rights crisis in Ethiopia.

An escalating human rights crisis in Oromia and Amhara Regions

The situation in Ethiopia has become increasingly unstable since security forces repeatedly fired upon protests in the Amhara and Oromia regions in August 2016. On 6 and 7 August alone, Amnesty International reported at least 100 killings and scores of arrests during protests that took place across multiple towns in both regions. Protesters had taken to the streets throughout the Amhara and Oromia regions to express discontent over the ruling party’s dominance in government affairs, the lack of rule of law, and grave human rights violations for which there has been no accountability.

Protests in the Amhara region began peacefully in Gondar a month ago and spread to other towns in the region. A protest in Bahir Dar, the region’s capital, on 7 August turned violent when security forces shot and killed at least 30 people. Recently, on 30 August, stay-at-home strikers took to the streets of Bahir Dar again and were violently dispersed by security forces. According to the Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE), in the week of 29 August alone, security forces killed more than 70 protesters and injured many more in cities and towns across Northern Amhara region.

Since November 2015, Ethiopian security forces have routinely used excessive and unnecessary lethal force to disperse and suppress the largely peaceful protests in the Oromia region. The protesters, who originally advocated against the dispossession of land without adequate compensation under the government’s Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan, have been subjected to widespread rights violations. According to international and national human rights groups, at least 500 demonstrators have been killed and hundreds have suffered bullet wounds and beatings by police and military during the protests.

Authorities have also arbitrarily arrested thousands of people throughout Oromia and Amhara during and after protests, including journalists and human rights defenders. Many of those detained are being held without charge and without access to family members or legal representation. Many of those who have been released report torture in detention. The continued use of unlawful force to repress the movement has broadened the grievances of the protesters to human rights and rule of law issues.

The need for international, independent, thorough, impartial and transparent investigations

Following the attacks by security forces on protesters in Oromia earlier this year, five UN Special Procedures issued a joint statement noting that “the sheer number of people killed and arrested suggests that the Government of Ethiopia views the citizens as a hindrance, rather than a partner”, and underlining that “Impunity … only perpetuates distrust, violence and more oppression”.

In response to the recent crackdown, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, has called for “access for independent observers to the country to assess the human rights situation”. Ethiopia’s government, however, has rejected the call, instead indicating it would launch its own investigation. On 2 September, in a public media statement, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights reiterated the UN High Commissioner’s call to allow a prompt and impartial investigation led by regional or international human rights bodies into the crackdown.

There are no effective avenues to pursue accountability for abuses given the lack of independence of the judiciary and legislative constraints. During the May 2015 general elections, the ruling EPRDF party won all 547 seats in the Ethiopian Parliament.

Ethiopia’s National Human Rights Commission, which has a mandate to investigate rights violations, has failed to make public its June report on the Oromia protests, whileconcluding in its oral report to Parliament that the lethal force used by security forces in Oromia was proportionate to the risk they faced from the protesters. The Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions has rated the Ethiopian National Human Rights Commission as B, meaning the latter has failed to meet fully the Paris Principles.

The High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs, Federica Mogherini, who met with Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn at the margins of the European Development Days in June 2016, has called on all parties to refrain from the use of force and for a constructive dialogue and engagement to take place without delay. On 28 August, after the EPRDF party’s general assembly, Prime Minister Hailemariam reportedly ordered the country’s military to take any appropriate measures to quell the protests, which he described as illegal and aimed at destabilising the nation. Following a similar call regarding the Oromia protests, security forces intensified the use of excessive force against protesters.

A highly restrictive environment for dialogue

Numerous human rights activists, journalists, opposition political party leaders and supporters have been arbitrarily arrested and detained. Since August 2016, four members of one of Ethiopia’s most prominent human rights organisations, the Human Rights Council (HRCO), were arrested and detained in the Amhara and Oromia regions. HRCO believes these arrests are related to the members’ monitoring and documentation of the crackdown of on-going protests in these regions.

Among those arrested since the protests began and still in detention are Colonel Demeke Zewdu (Member, Wolkait Identity Committee (WIC)), Getachew Ademe (Chairperson, WIC), Atalay Zafe (Member, WIC), Mebratu Getahun (Member, WIC), Alene Shama (Member, WIC), Addisu Serebe (Member, WIC), Bekele Gerba (Deputy Chair, Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC)), Dejene Tufa (Deputy General Secretary, OFC), Getachew Shiferaw (Editor-in-Chief of the online newspaper Negere Ethiopia), Yonathan Teressa (human rights defender) and Fikadu Mirkana (reporter with the state-owned Oromia Radio and TV).

Prominent human rights experts and groups, including the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, have repeatedly condemned the highly restrictive legal framework in Ethiopia. The deliberate misuse of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation’s overbroad and vague provisions to target journalists and activists has increased as protests have intensified. The law permits up to four months of pre-trial detention and prescribes long prison sentences for a range of activities protected under international human rights law. Dozens of human rights defenders as well as journalists, bloggers, peaceful demonstrators and opposition party members have been subjected to harassment and politically motivated prosecution under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, making Ethiopia one of the leading jailers of journalists in the world.

In addition, domestic civil society organisations are severely hindered by one of the most restrictive NGO laws in the world. Specifically, under the 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation, the vast majority of Ethiopian organisations have been forced to stop working on human rights and governance issues, a matter of great concern that has been repeatedly raised in international forums including at Ethiopia’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR).

This restrictive and worsening environment underscores the limited avenues available for dialogue and accountability in the country. It is essential that the UN Human Rights Council take a strong position urging the Ethiopian government to immediately allow an international, thorough, independent, transparent and impartial investigation into alleged human rights abuses committed in the context of the government’s response to the largely peaceful protests.

As a member – and Vice-President – of the Human Rights Council, Ethiopia has an obligation to “uphold the highest standards” of human rights, and “fully cooperate” with the Council and its mechanisms (GA Resolution 60/251, OP 9). Yet for the past ten years, it has consistently failed to accept country visit requests by numerous Special Procedures.

During the upcoming 33^rd session of the Human Rights Council, we urge your delegation to make joint and individual statements reinforcing and building upon the expressions of concern by the High Commissioner, UN Special Procedures, and others.

Specifically, the undersigned organisations request your delegation to urge Ethiopia to:

immediately cease the use of excessive and unnecessary lethal force by security forces against protesters in Oromia and Amhara regions and elsewhere in Ethiopia;
immediately and unconditionally release journalists, human rights defenders, political opposition leaders and members as well as protesters arbitrarily detained during and in the aftermath of the protests;
respond favourably to country visit requests by UN Special Procedures;
urgently allow access to an international, thorough, independent, impartial and transparent investigation into all of the deaths resulting from alleged excessive use of force by the security forces, and other violations of human rights in the context of the protests;
ensure that those responsible for human rights violations are prosecuted in proceedings which comply with international law and standards on fair trials and without resort to the death penalty; and
fully comply with its international legal obligations and commitments including under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, and its own Constitution.

Amnesty International
Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia
CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
Civil Rights Defenders
DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
Ethiopian Human Rights Project
FIDH (International Federation for Human Rights)
Foundation for Human Rights Initiative
Freedom House
Front Line Defenders
Global Center for the Responsibility to Protect
Human Rights Watch
International Service for Human Rights
Reporters Without Borders
World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)

የግብጽ ተላላኪዋ ህወሀት ና አባይ ላይ የሰራችው ደባ

By Ze Addis የግብጽ ተላላኪዋ ህወሀት ና አባይ ላይ የሰራችው ደባ

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ህወሀት አልሳካ አላት እንጂ ታሪክን ለማጥፋት ያልጣረችው ጥረት : ያልፈነቀለችው ድንጋይ የለም:: በተለይ ያለፈ ነውረኛ ታሪኳን ለመሸፈን : ሐዲስና እንግዳ ልቦለድ በመጻፍ ብዙ ትደክማለች:: እውነት ግን እውነት ስለሆነች አትሞትም እንጂ::

ሰሞኑን ግብጽ አባይን በተመለከተ ስምምነትን አሁን አልፈርምም ማለቷ ተሰምቷል::

የህወሀት ካድሬዎች ደግሞ

“ግብጽ አልፈርምም ያለችው ህወሀት ከወደቀ በኋላ ስልጣን ላይ የሚቀመጠው ኢትዮጵያዊ – አባይን በተመለከተ የሀገሩን ጥቅም የማያስከብር ስለሆነ እሱን አውቃ ነው” የሚል አዲስ ትረካ ጀምረዋል:: what an amazing analysis lol

አባቱን አያውቅ ይሏል ይህ ነው:: እውነት እንደሚነገረን ግን የአባይን ግድብ በማፍረስና ኢትዮጵያ አባይ ላይ ያላትን ጥቅም አሳልፎ የሰጠው የህወሀቱ መሪ መለስ ዜናዊ እና ድርጅቱ ህወሀት ናቸው:: የህወሀትንና የመለስን ያህል አባይ ላይ ክህደት የፈጸመ የለም::
ዝርዝሩ እንዲህ ይቀጥላል

የጣና በለስ የአባይ ግድብና 1800 ኪሎሜትር የመስኖ ልማት ፕሮጀክት
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የአባይ ግድብ የተጠናውና የተግባር ዝግጅት የተጀመረው በ1930ዎቹ ነው:: የኮሎኔል መንግስቱ መንግስት ስልጣን ይዞ ጥቂት እንደቆየ( በ1970ዎቹ) -ተግባራዊ ለማድረግ ከተነሳባቸው አንዱ ፕሮጀክትም የአባይ ግድብንና የመስኖ ልማትን ነበር:: ከነዚሁ ግድቦች ውስጥም ጣና በለስ ፕሮጀክት ተመረጠ:: የዚሁ ግድብ ኢንጂነር የነበረው
Giordano Sivini(ጆርዳኖ ሲቪኒ) – Resistance to Modernization in Africa Translated by Joan Krakover Hall , 2007, New Jersy
በሚለው መጽሓፉ የጣና በለስ ግድብን መስኖ ልማትን እንዲህ ሲል ይተርከዋል( page 123-125)

The Beles Valley lies at an altitude between 1000 and 1300 meters; it is 60 killometers long and 30 kms wide.
The plan of Tana Beles project was to irrigate the Beles valley with water brought down through a tunnel from Lake Tana ( Nile intersection) , the source of the Blue Nile, that is why the project is called Tana- Beles. The idea of this project goes back to the thirties; it was revived in the sixties and now by Mengistu and the Italian agency. Using the water brought through the tunnel, a hydro- electric power station was planned to be constructed to supply energy for the WHOLE COUNTRY and Beles valley below would become a sort of gaint irrigated farm( 60 km by 30 Km) that could produce very significant surplus. An Italian consultancy firm , engaged to implement the project , quickly developed an amazing master plan to settle not 100,000 but 300,000 people in 118 villages with road and services including network of hundreds of killometer.

በአጭሩ ወደ አማርና ስንመልሰው ጣና በለስ የግድብና የመስኖ ልማት ፕሮጀክት በአጼ ኃይለሥላሴ ዘመን በ1930ዎቹ በአሜሪካኖች ተጠንቶ ; በ1950ዎቹም ሊሰራ ተሞክሮ በመጨረሻ በዘመነ መንግስቱ በ1970ዎቹ የተጀመረ ግድብ ነበር::

የዚሁ ግድብ ዓላማም የመጀመርያው ክፍል- የመላ ሀገሪቱን የመብራት ፍላጎት የሚያሟላ ግድብና የኃይል ማመንጫ መስራትና 60 ኪሎ ሜትር በ30 ኪሎሜትር የሚሆነውን የበለስን ሸለቆ የአባይ ውሃን በመጠቀም በመስኖ ማልማትና ሀገሪቱን በምግብ እህል በማትረፍረፍ አልፎ ለውጭ ገበያ ማቅረብ ነበር::

አሜሪካ : ግብጽና ሱዳን ክፉኛ ቢቃወሙም ኮሎኔል መንግስቱ ግን ስራውን አላቋረጡም:: ከጣልያን መንግስት በተገኘው የ200 ቢሊዮን ሊሬ ብድርና እርዳታ ፓኬጅ ስራው ተጀመረ:: በአጭር ጊዜ ውስጥም የጣልያኑ ኮንትራከተር ሥራውን ተረክቦ ግድቡ : የሃይድሮ ኤሌክትሪክ ግንባታውና የመስኖ ልማቱ ሥራ ተጀመረ:: የአዲስ አበባ ዪንቨርስቲ ተማሪዎች: የባህር ዳር ፖሊ ቴክኒንክ ተማሪዎች: የአለማያ ኮሌጅ ተማሪዎች በተደጋጋሚ በመዝመት የበለስ ልማት ላይ ተሳትፈዋል:: ይሄን ግዙፍ የመብራት ኃይል እና እርሻ ልማት ግንባታ ረጅም ርቀት ከሄደ በኋላ ህወሀት አዲስ አበባን ያዘች::

ህወሀት የጣና በለስ ግድብና የመስኖ ልማት ማወደሟ
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ህወሀት አዲስ አበባን እንደተቆጣጠረች የመጀርያ ስራዋ ጣና በለስ ፕሮጀክትን ድምጥማጡን ማጥፋት ነበር:: አዲስ አበባ በገባች በሳምንቱ ጣና በለስን እንደ ጠላት ጦር ዘመተችበት:: በመቶዎች የሚቆጠሩ ግሬደሮች: ኤክስካቬተሮች ትራክተሮችን የቻለችውን ዘርፋ የተረፉትን ድምጥማጡን አጠፋቸው::

ሲልቪያኖ የተባለው የግድቡ መሃንዲስ አግራሞቱን ” Unforgivable mistakes ” በሚለው ጽሁፉ እንዲህ ገልጾታል

” ሱዳንና ግብጽ እንኳን እንዲህ ያፈራርሱታል ብዬ አልጠብቅም:: እነዚህ ሰዎች የኮሎኔል መንግስቱ ተቃዋሚ ቢሆኑም : የሀገራቸው ተቃዋሚ ግን መሆን አልነበረባቸውም:: እንዴት ይህን የሚያህል ሀገሪቱን ወደ ታላቅ እመርታ ከፍ የሚያደርጋትን ፕሮጀት እንዲህ ለማውደም ፈለጉ:: እንደ ሰው ግራ ገብቶኛል:: ይህን 60 ኪሎ ሜትር በሰላሳ ኪሎ ሜትር የሆነ መስኖ ልማት የሚያመርተው በሚሊዮኖች ኩንታል የሚቆጠር ምርት እኮ ለሀገሪቷ ኢኮኖሚ ከባድ እና ታላቅ አስተዋጾ ነበር:: እጅግ ግራ የሚያጋባ ነገር ነው:: እንዴት ሰው ሀብቱንና ንብረቱን እንዲህ ያወድማል ” በማለት በቁጭት ገልጾታል::

ህወሀት ይሄን ያወደመችው የግብጽንና የሱዳንን ውለታ ለመመለስ ነበር:: ዛሬ ግዜ ተገልብጦ ደግሞ –
“ሌላው ኢትዮጵያዊ የኢትዮጵያን ጥቅም በአባይ ላይ ስለማያስጠብቅ ነው አሁን ግብጽ አልፈርምም ያለችው ” የሚለውን ስላቅ መስማት ይገርማል:: ጅብ በማያቁበት ሀገር..የሚለውን ተረት ያስተርታል::

ጣና በለስ ያባድ ግድብና መስልኖ ልማት እና ያሁኑ ያባይ ግድብ
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ያሁኑ የአባይ ግድብ ላይ ኢትዮጵያ ውሃውን ኤሌክትሪክ ከማመንጨት ውጭ ለምንም መጠቀም አትችልም:: ያሁኑ ያባይ ግድብ ትልቁ ጥቅሙ ሊያመነጭ የሚችለው ኤሌክትሪክና የተገደበው ውሃ ላይ ሊረቡ የሚችሉ አሳዎች ናቸው::

ጣና በለስ ግን የአባይን ውሃ ከአባይና ጣና መገናኛ በግዙፍ ቱቦ በማመላለስ 30 ኪሎ በስልሳ ኪሎ ሜትር የሆነው ( 1800 ስኩዌር ኪሎሜትር) እርሻን በአባይ ውሃ የሚያለማ ነበር:: ከአዲስ አበባ ሞጆ ድረስ በግምት ወደ 60 ኪሎ ሜትር ነው) ያንን የሚያህል እርሻ በዓመት ሁለቴ በአባይ ውሃ በማልማት ሀገሪቱን የእህል ጎተራ የሚያደርግ ነበር:: የጣና በለስ ኤሌክሪክ ማመንጫም በወቅቱ የሀገሪቱን ኤሌክትሪክ ፍላጎት ሙሉ ለሙሉ የሚያሟላ ነበር:: የሱዳንንና የግብጽን ወለታ ለመመለስ ህወሀት አፈራረሰችው እንጂ::

በነገራችን ላይ አሁን ጣና በለስ ላይ የተገነባው የርሻ ላማት ቀድሞ የፈረሰውን አንድ መቶኛ እንኳን አይሆንም::

የአባይ ግድብን የደፈረ የሚባልለት መለስ ዜናዊ እውነተኛ ታሪኩ ግን የአባይን ግድብ ያፈረሰና የሃገሩን ጥቅም ለሱዳንና ለግብጽ የሸጠ ነበር::

ሌባ እናት ልጇን አታምንምና ዛሬም የህወሀት ግልገል ካድሬዎች – ” ወያኔ ስልጣን ቢለቅ የሚመጣ ኢትዮጵያዊ የኢትዮጵያን የአባይን ጥቅም አያስጠብቅም ” ሲሉ መስማት በራሱ ያስገርማል:: Really?

የሀገር ጥቅምን በማስከበር ከህወሀት የሚያንስ ማንም የለም::

Why Egypt postponed GERD impact studies contracts signing?

Ahram Online

File Photo: A general view shows construction activity on the Grand Renaissance dam in Guba Woreda, Benishangul Gumuz region in this March 16, 2014 (Photo: Reuters)

Egypt’s irrigation and water resources minister announced on Sunday the postponing of contract signing with two foreign consultancy firms – to study the impact of Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam on downriver countries – due to “unresolved issues.”

In statements to the state-owned MENA news agency, ministry spokesman Waleed Haqiqi said that the delay was due to “outstanding issues between the consultancy firms conducting the technical studies and the legal firm wording the contracts.”

Haqiqi added that another reason behind the postponing was that the firms’ experts were not granted entry visas to Sudan.

The signing of the contracts between the two French firms – BRL and Artelia – and Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan was to take place on 5-6 September in Sudan’s Khartoum, according to Egypt’s foreign ministry.

The spokesman added that Egypt was currently coordinating with the consultancy firms and the Sudanese and Ethiopian sides to agree on a new date for the meetings.

The announcement by Egypt comes a few days after media reports quoted an unnamed Ethiopian source as saying that no date was set for the signing of the contracts as announced by Egypt’s foreign ministry.

However, last week an official Egyptian source told Al-Ahram newspaper said that they were officially invited by Ethiopia to the meeting on 5-6 September and have not received any notice of a postponement, quelling the media reports.

Cairo has repeatedly expressed concerns that Ethiopia’s $4.2 billion dam could affect its historical share of Nile water, or, according to Prime Minister Sherif Ismail, that the hydroelectric dam could be used for reasons other than electricity generation.

Addis Ababa insists that the nearly complete dam project will not affect downstream countries negatively.

No Emergency Trust Fund money goes to Ethiopian government, Commission stresses

By Matthew Tempest | EurActiv.com

A December 2015 protest in Ethiopia.

[Human Rights Watch]

No monies from the EU’s flagship Emergency Trust Fund (ETF) for Africa goes to the Ethiopian government or its agencies, the Commission stressed yesterday (6 September), as human rights groups say more than 400 people have been killed in clashes with the government.

The ETF was set up last year, at the Valleta migration summit, in an attempt to mitigate the ‘pull’ factors behind uncontrolled migration from sub-Saharan Africa to Europe, in the wake of the migration crisis.

Ethiopia, with a stable and West-friendly government in the Horn of Africa, is one of the major recipients of the trust fund, which aims to improve life chances and livelihoods in some of the world’s poorest countries.

However, the authoritarian government in Addis Ababa has long been the butt of accusations over its treatment of the Oromia people and their region – which surrounds the capital.

Since November 2015 – when Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker signed the ETF – some 400 people have been killed by Ethiopian government security forces during protests, according to New York-based Human Rights Watch.

Thousands more have been detained.

Credit: Human Rights Watch

Amnesty International says over 100 people were killed at a demonstration in early August.

This week, the situation deteriorated further, with the deaths of at least 23 inmates in a fire at a prison believed to be holding detained protestors.

Pictures showed smoke billowing from the jail, but the BBC cited local media reporting the sound of gunfire from the Qilinto prison.

Pressed by EurActiv.com on whether the Commission had a view on the unrest in one of its key partners in sub-Saharan Africa, and whether the ETF contained a mechanism for either reviewing or even suspending payments through the Emergency Trust Fund, a spokesman was quick to point out that no monies were channelled directly through the government in Addis Ababa, or any government agencies.

In an emailed statement later, it added, “As far as the Emergency Trust Fund for Africa is concerned, it is important to know that no funding are decentralised to, or channelled through, the beneficiary countries’ government structures.

“This of course also applies to Ethiopia.”
However, it has a difficult relationship with major aid agencies and NGOs, some of whom complain privately that operating in the country is dependent on not criticising the government in Addis Ababa.Ethiopia, which is a close ally of Washington, is surrounded by failed states in the Horn of Africa, such as South Sudan, Somalia and Eritrea. This year it has had to deal with one of its worst droughts in 50 years, worse even than that of the famine of 1984-85, exacerbated by the El Niño weather phenomenon.

The government in Addis Ababa, led by Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn, has angrily dismissed the numbers cited by HRW, although admitting people have died in the protests, and blamed “illegal demonstrations and criminal attacks on property” for the unrest.

Desssalegn gave a press briefing on 30^th August in which he made it clear that the government had a “responsibility to deal carry out its mandate to maintain law and order.”

“The government would never abrogate its responsibility to maintain peace, law and order. It would not allow the illegal demonstrations, violent clashes or criminal attacks on property that have been disturbing the country to continue,” he added.

Dessalegn stressed that peaceful demonstrations were allowed under the Ethiopian constitution – but must be agreed in time and in advance over location, be peaceful and “avoid disrupting day-to-day public activities or civic engagement.”

The PM also criticised the New York Times and the Financial Times, at length, for recent articles which he claimed romanticised the opposition or downplayed the country’s economic strengths, respectively.

Although no single event seems to have triggered the 10 months of demonstrations in Ethiopia, the Oromo people complained of a plan to expand the capital, Addis Ababa, into their lands, and that they are disenfranchised by a government largely led by the Tigray grouping, from northern Ethiopia.
A spokesman for the Commission said, “The EU follows the human rights situation in Ethiopia very closely.

“Through high-level political contacts, the EU consistently raises concerns with the Ethiopian government.

“The EU also provides specific assistance to support human rights in the country, notably through the EU Civil Society Fund. We firmly believe that the combination of constructive dialogue and targeted development assistance will lead to positive changes in the human rights situation in Ethiopia and in the region.

“Key areas of concern are human rights, peace and stability in the country, as well as irregular migration and displacement.

Recently, the Ethiopian government began a big drive to increase its attraction as a high-end international tourism destination.

Month: September 2016

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Why Egypt postponed GERD impact studies contracts signing?

No Emergency Trust Fund money goes to Ethiopian government, Commission stresses