WHY IS EPRDF APPEASING THE OROMO EXTREMIST ELITES?

By Yared Gizaw
Image result for melese and olf

The Oromo extremist elites have repeatedly told us that their vision for Ethiopia is as follows:

Option 1: Recreate/restructure Ethiopia under the domination of Oromos’ in which:

– Oromo language and culture to be dominant with “Wake Fatah” as dominant religion.

– New name and flag for Ethiopia

– Addis Ababa (Finfine) the center for Oromia

– Every Ethiopian to be under their dominion

Option 2: Free/independent Oromia (including Finfine) after disintegrating Ethiopia -this is a fall back scenario, if they could not achieve Option 1

As they know very well that Option 2 is impractical and not feasible, they are working very hard to realize Option 1 in an incremental manner.  More than 20 years ago, they secured the “Oromo land” with Latin alphabet written language and they have been busy to create a unique non-Ethiopian identity for themselves. Their next move is to strengthen their foothold on Addis Ababa, wait for an opportune time when the Federal Government is destabilized/weak, and declare their dominance. They have been asking for our arms and legs so far but they will not be satisfied until they fully swallowed all of our body. Actually, the Oromo extremist elites are never satisfied until  they  “Oromize” the whole Ethiopia.

The Oromo extremist elites have the following myths and false concepts in their mindset, which have shaped their vision of their future role/position in Ethiopia.

  • They perceive themselves as a  majority ethnic group( that is not true they need at least 51% share among the Ethiopian population to be majority even in that case it is unconstitutional to claim dominance )
  • They contribute higher share to the GDP( that is true but they are also getting the biggest share of the Federal Government Budget support and Foreign Direct Investment and the Oromo population have been enjoying better economic dividend than other regions as most of investments and job creation are around Addis Ababa). However, as industrialization and economic development expands  throughout the country and natural resources(such as oil and gas) start to be exploited in various regions, the GDP variation among the regions will narrow
  • They claim that they have been marginalized economically, socially and politically( that may have been true until Emperor Haile Selassie time but after that it is not true, actually EPRDF allowed them to have their own territory ( 1st time in their history, under unified Oromia) and they were allowed to freely develop their language, culture and religious practices over the last 26 years(including the recent registration of Irrecha annual anniversary by UNESCO as intangible asset)
  • They feel that they have higher negotiation power than other regions on the Federal government and they should use that to arm-twist the Federal government to achieve their Option 1 vision (They have the myth that Ethiopia cannot survive without Oromia or if Oromos’ revolt Ethiopia will be paralyzed). However, the fact is that even though they have tried to paralyze Ethiopia over the last two years, they have failed and they shall continue fail.

 

  • They have the victim mindset claiming that Emperor Menelik had killed huge number of Oromos’ who resisted his expansion agenda, however they tend to forget the atrocities committed by their nomadic ancestors  on the original citizens of today Oromia, some 400 and 500 years ago. It is recorded in history that the nomadic Oromos’ expanded their ‘territories to the northern part of Ethiopia through war and domination but failed to fully dominate it ( actually they were ultimately  swallowed and melted into  the Ethiopian time tested and sophisticated governance system). It looks the Oromo extremist elites are again trying to fulfill the unrealized dream of their ancestors to dominate Ethiopia.
  • For those Ethiopians who may feel my views, I reflected above on Oromo extremists are too exaggerated or not true, below is the front picture of the Oromia Cultural Center in Addis Ababa, which was inaugurated about two years ago, as proof. See how the widely spoken and constitutionally recognized working language of Ethiopia is written intentionally below both the Oromifa and English and with very small letters. This is the reflection of what they intend to do to anything non-Oromia Ethiopian assets and heritages. For your information if you write Amharic name of your business over/prior to the Oromifa name in the Oromia State, you will be immediately forced to change it. Why did the Addis Ababa city administration and the Federal Government have given blind eye to this gross violation of the constitution on the naming of the Oromo Cultural Center? Could it be to appease the Oromo extremist elites?

As a conclusion I strongly oppose most of the Council of Ministers approved draft legislation on Oromos rights on Addis Ababa, as summarized below

 

Provision in Draft Law Reason for Rejection/Opposing
Culture, language and arts:●       To ensure that Oromo residents in the city can benefit from the “special interest” provisions stipulated in this proclamation, Afaan Oromo shall serve as a working language of the City Administration.

●       To reflect Oromo people’s identity and to commemorate historical events relevant to the region’s people, the original names of public squares, roads and neighborhoods.

●       The city administration will facilitate conditions for the construction and promotion of theaters, entertainment venues, and cultural and art centers that reflect Oromo culture and history in the city.

●       The city administration will work with Oromia state authorities to make sure that museums in the city carrybooks and other artifacts on Oromo history and culture.

●       With relation to Oromia state, the city’s previous Oromo name, Finfine, will have equal legal recognition as the name Addis Ababa. The particulars on the usage of the two names will be determined by a regulation

Land provision:

●       The Oromia state will be given land on which it can erect buildings for government activities and public services free of lease payment.

Job opportunity:

●       Youth residents of Oromia towns and rural areas surrounding Addis Ababa will be made beneficiaries of the job opportunities in the city.

●       Youth residents of Oromia towns and rural areas surrounding Addis Ababa will be made beneficiaries of the job opportunities that arise from water development, waste disposal, recycling, basin development, transport services and the likes.

●       Health care: Oromo residents of towns and rural areas surrounding Addis Ababa shall be entitled to access health care services at government hospitals and medical facilities like any resident of the city.

Provision of Market places:

●       The city administration shall establish market places, covering the cost, where farmers’ cooperatives from Oromia can sell their produce.

 

Condominium housing provision:

●       Officials and employees of Oromia will be included, having a certain quota, in the lottery drawings of government-owned condominium housing in Addis Ababa.

Compensation and permanent rehabilitation

●       Farmers in the city administration, who are displaced due to development activities, shall be entitled to compensation adequate for “permanent rehabilitation”.

–         What if other citizens in Addis Ababa ask to be served in their languages, we need to minimize issues that divide us rather than expand them. What about the rights of non-Oromo speaking but majority population in Adama (Nathret), Bishoftu (Debre Zeit) etc?

–         It is clear that this provision has no any historical merit, as there were no squares, roads and other sites in Addis Ababa during Minilik time. This decision will further bring division and conflict.

–         We have only 20% of the population in Addis Ababa as Oromo. What about the history, heritage and culture of the remaining 80% population who have worked hard to bring Addis Ababa where it is today?

 

 

–         Same as above

 

–         Using two legal names for Addis Ababa (Addis Ababa is a unifying melting pot for all Ethiopians and an anchor for the Federal government) will be confusing and no need to give it two names/brands. Imposed change of name/brand will be the source of perpetual conflict. If required, Oromia state could issue a law to recognize Finfine equal to Addis Ababa in it own territory.

–         As of today, Oromia has no constitutional right to use Addis Ababa as its base.

 

–         Unless the Ethiopian government is unknowingly facilitating the creation of an apartheid system, job opportunities anywhere in Ethiopia should be available equally to all Ethiopians based on competency. This provision is against the Constitution.

 

 

 

 

–         Does that mean Ethiopians form other than Addis Ababa & its surrounding will be discriminated?

 

 

–         What about Farmers Cooperatives from other parts of Ethiopia (Southern Ethiopia, Gojjam, Afar, Debre Berhan etc). This will create an apartheid system where one Ethnic group having undue comparative/competitive advantage. A potential for conflict!

 

–         Officials in Oromia have been acquiring and selling lands in different parts of Oromia. This is an additional gateway for corruption.(The practice have been an Oromia official from Bishoftu/Dukem will swap land with an Oromo official in Shashemene or Adama and through that arrangement so many of the Oromia officials are now investors).

TPLF woman Arrested with 3 kg of gold and $10,000 for the Second Time

DELHI: Customs officials at IGI Airport arrested an Ethiopian woman for allegedly trying to smuggle into the country over 3 kg of gold worth Rs 89 lakh, along with $10,000 in cash, on Wednesday. They also seized demonetised currency notes of Rs 1,000 amounting to Rs 60,000 from her.

Senior customs officials said that the woman, who arrived from Addis Ababa, was arrested at IGI Airport for the second time. Two months ago, she was caught with 650 grams of gold after which she was released on bail.

In the early hours of Wednesday, she landed at the Delhi airport. A team of customs officials intercepted her at the green channel. During the baggage scanning, five gold bars and jewellery were recovered from her.

“Some US and Indian currency notes were seized from her. She was arrested under Section 104 of the Customs Act, 1962 and the gold was seized under Section 110,” said a senior customs official

The customs sleuths suspect a larger racket behind the latest spate of smugglings. The woman reportedly told them she was a carrier and used to supply gold to some syndicate

ሽግግሩ…

By Achamyeleh Tamiru

Here is ሽግግሩ-ከአንዱ-የመከራ-አዙሪት-ወጥተን-በአይነቱ-ልዩ-ወደሆነ-ሌላ-የመከራ-አዙሪት-የምንዘፈቅበት-ወይንስ-ከታሪካዊ-ችግሮቻችን-የምንገላገልበት on Transition and Constitution Making in Post-Conflict Ethiopia.

Image result for ethiopia's ethnic politics

 

ሽግግሩ…

By Achamyeleh Tamiru

Here is ሽግግሩ-ከአንዱ-የመከራ-አዙሪት-ወጥተን-በአይነቱ-ልዩ-ወደሆነ-ሌላ-የመከራ-አዙሪት-የምንዘፈቅበት-ወይንስ-ከታሪካዊ-ችግሮቻችን-የምንገላገልበት on Transition and Constitution Making in Post-Conflict Ethiopia.

Image result for ethiopia's ethnic politics

 

TPLF in the Atlanta Kidist Mariam Church

By A Concerned Patriotic Ethiopian

Kidist Mariam Orthodox Church of Atlanta is one of the oldest and largest Ethiopian churches in the US. In a letter posted on Ethiomedia on October 14, 2016, I read that a leadership crisis that was methodically installed by Woyanne/TPLF in the Church a while ago, has now reached a breaking point. This letter was written by concerned members of the Church who expressed to have witnessed first-hand the usual malicious “divide and rule” tactic of Woyanne at work. They reported that violating the established rules of the Church, some members of the administrative board in their recent meeting decided to unlawfully remove the legitimately appointed bishop, His Holiness Abune Yaekob, from his leadership position to pave the way to work in cooperation with the illegal Holy Synod in Ethiopia, most likely under the new leadership of the outspoken conspirator Aba Haile Michael. As a follower and interested person in the affairs of this Church, prior to reading the letter posted on Ethiomedia, I have also observed some alarming signals from other members of the Church with whom I have personal relationships. From what I have been able to gather from various sources, the expressed concern about the problem in Atlanta’s Kidist Mariam Church was/is real and legitimate. In this crisis, what matters most for me is not the internal struggle in the church per se, but the involvement of Woyanne and the inclination of some members to let this happen. This tendency becomes more obvious given the unfailing dedication of Abune Yaekob to the words of God and standing firm in defense of the defenseless, irrespective of Woyanne politics, and the hidden agendas of some members of the Church to bow to the will of Woyanne.

As a responsible and devoted man of God, His Holiness Abune Yaekob has served the Ethiopian Orthodox Church for more than four decades both in Ethiopia and abroad. He has been in exile for a long time, mostly in leadership positions, with utmost dedication to the original guiding principles of the Church unadulterated by divisive politics mired with sinful acts against the teachings of Christ and, for that matter, any other known religion. Abune Yaekob is highly conscious and in opposition of what is going on in Ethiopia under the tyrannical rule of Woyanne. On several occasions, I have personally seen His Holiness condemning publicly the fascistic acts of the regime against its own people who have done nothing but only peacefully expressing/demanding their God-given rights. Accordingly, he does not shy away from expressing his views, among others, against ethnic and institutional fracturing, corruptions and killings of innocent citizens carried out and actively promoted by the Ethiopian government. His teachings and messages in the Kidist Mariam Church I occasionally attend and in gatherings of Ethiopians elsewhere are thoughtful and highly inspirational and healing. He is a well-received father by anyone who has good intentions for his/her personal life, institutions, community and country. The speeches and blessings he delivered in the Ethiopian Community Day and Food Festival held in Atlanta on September 3 and October 8, 2016 can be mentioned as testimony for his beliefs and devotion to serve God and mankind (these speeches are available on the Internet).

At this very critical and difficult time of our Ethiopian history, we need leaders like Abune Yaekob in our churches and community everywhere. It is a sheer act of ignorance, arrogance, narrow-mindedness, self-interest, as well as “un-Ethiopian” on the part of some board/church members of Kidist Mariam to remove him from his position of leadership, in preparation to submit the Church to Woyanne and subject it to its subsequent destruction, along with the supporting community. I hope the concerned members of the Church (both the board and ordinary members) will come to this realization and reverse the decision made with regarding to the change of leadership direction for the good of all. At this very moment, Woyanne and the Ethiopian people are in clash more than ever and the entire free world is aware of this, largely being sympathetic to the cause of the people. As the people are determined to remove this evil regime from power, its leaders are getting more and more desperate with time and some of them are even reported to be on the run more than ever. It is, therefore, high time to focus on the bigger picture of our Ethiopian problem and contribute to the process of regime change by being on the side of the people and history. Tilting towards Woyanne at this defining moment is an inexcusable mistake, not only by the Ethiopian people, but also by the Almighty Himself, in my humble opinion.

Unity and fairness are the way to go.
Long live Ethiopia, the birthplace of mankind on planet earth.

 

በአስቸኳይ ጊዜ አዋጅ ወቅት የተከለከሉ ነገሮች ተፈፅመው ሲገኙ ስለሚወዱ እርምጃዎች

አዲስ አበባ ጥቅምት (ኤፍ.ቢ.ሲ) እርምጃ ለመውሰድ ስልጣን ስላለው ሰው በተደነገገበት የመመሪያው ክፍል፤ የህግ አስከባሪዎች የመመሪያውን ድንጋጌ ተላልፈው በተገኙ ድርጅቶች እና ግለሰቦች ላይ ቀጥሎ የተዘረዘሩትን እርምጃዎች መውሰድ እንደሚችሉ ተመላክቷል።

ክልከላዎች ሲጣሱ የሚወሰዱ እርምጃዎችን በተመለከተ፤ በመመሪያው የተከለከሉ ተግባራት ተፈፅመው ሲገኙ፤

hailemariam-desalegn

1. ህግ አስከባሪዎች ተጠርጣሪዎችን ያለ ፍርድ ቤት ትእዛዝ በቁጥጥር ስር ማዋል ይችላሉ፤

2 አዋጁ ተፈፃሚነቱ እስከሚያበቃበት ድረስ ኮማንድ ፖስቱ በሚወስነው ቦታ እንዲቆዩ የማድረግ፤

3 ተገቢውን የተሃድሶ ትምህርት በመስጠት የሚለቀቀውን እንዲለቀቅ፣ ወደ ፍርድ ቤት የሚቀርበውን ደግሞ እንዲቀርብ ማደረግ

4 ያለፍርድ ቤት ትእዛዝ በማንኛውም ስአት ብርበራ የማድርግ፤ የአካባቢውን ህዘብ እና ፖሊስ በማሳተፍ ማንኛውንም ወንጀል የተፈፀመበት ወይም ሊፈፀምበት የሚችል ንብረት መያዝ፤ወይም ንበረቱ እንዲጠበቅ ማደረግ

5 በማንኛውም ሬድዮ ቴሌቭዠን ድምፅ፣ ምስል ፎቶ ግራፍ፣ ቲያትር እና ፊልም የሚተላለፉ መልእክቶችን መቆጣጠር እና መገደብ

6 የተዘረፉ ንብረቶችን ያለፍርድ ቤት ትእዛዝ በመፈተሽ ለባለቤቶቹ እንዲመለሱ ማድረግ

7 በትምህርት ተቋማት ሁከት እና ረብሻ ተሳትፎ በሚያደርጉ ተማሪዎች እና ሰራተኞች ላይ ህጋዊ እርምት መውሰድ እና አስተዳደራዊ እርምጃ እንዲወሰድ ለተቋማቱ ትእዛዝ መስጠት

8 ማንኛውም የህዝብን ሰላም እና ፀጥታ ሊያደፈርሱ ይችላሉ ወይም ለጉዳት ተጋላጭ ይሆናሉ ተብለው የሚጠረጠሩ እና የሚታሰቡ ሰዎችን እንዲሁም ቡድኖችን ወደ ተወሰነ አካባቢ እንደይገቡ፣ እንዳይገኙ ወይም በተወሰነ አካባቢ ብቻ እንዲቆዩ ማድረግን ጨምሮ አግባብነት ያለቸውን እርምጃዎችን መውሰድ ይችላል።

ራስን ለመከላከል በፀጥታ ሀይልች ስለሚወሰድ እርምጃም መመሪያው ድንጋጌዎችን አስቀምጧል።

ህግ አስከባሪዎች እና በድርጅት ጥበቃ ላይ የተሰማሩ ሰዎች የአስቸኳይ ጊዜ አዋጁን ለማስፈፀም በሚያደርጉት እንቅስቃሴ በጦር መሳሪያ ወይም በስለት ህይወታቸውን እና ንብረተቻውን አደጋ ላይ የሚጥል ጥቃት በተሰነዘረ ጊዜ ራሳቸውን ለመከላከል የሚያስችላቸውን እርምጃ ሊወስዱ ይችላሉ።

በትምህርት ተቋማት የመግባት ስልጣንም በመመሪያው ስንጋጌ ወጥቶለታል። መመሪያው እንደሚለው በትምህርት ቤቶች እና በሌሎች ከፍተኛ የትምህርት ተቋማት ውስጥ አድማ የሚያደርጉ ሰዎችን ለመያዝ እና ችግሩን ለማስቆም የህግ አስከባሪ አካላት በተቋማቱ ውስውጥ በመግባት አስፈላጊውን እርምጃ መውሰድ ይችላሉ።

በሌሎች የመንግስት እና የግል ተቋማት አድማ የሚያደርጉ ሰዎችን ለመያዝ እና ሰላም እና ፀጥታ ለማረጋገጥ የህግ አስከባሪ አካላት እና ባልደረቦች በተቋማቱ ውስጥ ለመግባት እና አስፈላጊ ከሆነ ለማቆየት ይችላሉ።

ተሃድሶ እና ፍርድ ቤት ማቅረብን በተመለከተም መመሪያው ይህንን ይላል፤ 

በህግ መሰረት በኮማንድ ፖስቱ የሚደረግ የተሃድሶ እርምጃዎች እንደሚኖሩ በተጠቀሰበት የአዋጁ ድንጋጌ፤ ኮማንድ ፖስቱ ለፍርድ መቅረብ ያለበትን እንዲቀርብ ያደርጋል፤
ባለፈው አንድ አመት ውስጥ በተፈፀሙ የሁከት እና የነውጥ እንቅስቃሴዎች ላይ በቡድን ወይም በግል የተሳተፈ

የጦር መሳሪያ ሳይዝ የመንግስትም ሆነ የግለሰን ንብረት የዘረፈ እና በአቅራቢያው ለሚገኝ ፀጥታ አስከባሪ ሃይል የዘረፈውን መሳሪያ እና ንብረት፤ ይህ መመሪያ ከወጣ በኋላ ባሉት አስር ቀናት ውስጥ በአቅራቢያው ላለ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ የመለሰ እና እጁን የሰጠ ፤

ከዚህ በፊት ለህገ ወጥ ተግባራት የገንዘብ እና የቁሳቁስ ድጋፍ ያደረገ፣ወረቀት በመበተን፣ አድማ በማድርግ የተሳተፈ እና ያነሰሳ፣ ሰው የገደለ፣ማንኛውንም ንብረት ያቃጠለ፣ማንኛውንም ወንጀል የፈፀመ ስው፤

ይህ መመሪያ ከወጣ በኋላ ባሉት 10 ቀናት ውስጥ በአቅራቢያው ላለ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ የመለሰ እና እጁን ከሰጠ እንደ የወንጀል ተሳትፎው ቀላል እና ከባድነት ዋና ፈፃሚ እና አባሪ ተባባሪ መሆኑ ታይቶ፣ በኮማንድ ፖስቱ የተሃድሶ ትምህርት ተሰጥቶት እንዲለቀቅ ይደረጋል።

US warns Ethiopia against emergency crackdown

Ethiopia is facing its biggest anti-government unrest in a decade, with tension among the majority Oromo and Amhara ethnic groups which feel marginalized by a minority-led governmentEthiopia is facing its biggest anti-government unrest in a decade, with tension among the majority Oromo and Amhara ethnic groups which feel marginalized by a minority-led government (AFP Photo/Zacharias Abubeker)

Washington (AFP) – The United States warned its African ally Ethiopia on Tuesday not to abuse the state of emergency it declared this week to suppress dissent and welcomed talk of political reform.

Ethiopia declared an emergency on Sunday after six months of anti-government protests, but on Tuesday Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn promised that opposition voices would be heard.

US State Department spokesman John Kirby welcomed this offer from the government “to address some of the grievances raised by protesters such as land rights and electoral reform.”

But he urged President Mulatu Teshome’s administration to “clarify” how it intends to implement a state of emergency which authorized “detention without a warrant, limitations on free speech, prohibitions on public gatherings and the imposition of curfews.”

“Even if these measures are intended to restore order, silencing independent voices and interfering with the rights of Ethiopians is a self-defeating tactic that exacerbates rather than address those grievances,” he argued.

Ethiopia is facing its biggest anti-government unrest in a decade, with unrest among the majority Oromo and Amhara ethnic groups which feel marginalized by a minority-led government.

Tensions have been rising since an Oromo religious festival last week ended in tragedy when police fired tear gas on protesters, triggering a stampede that left more than 50 dead.

The declaration of a six-month state of emergency is unprecedented in the 25 years the current Ethiopian government has been in charge.

The United States regards Ethiopia as its key partner in the Horn of Africa, and works with it in its efforts to resolve crises in neighboring South Sudan and Somalia.

Here is how a State of Emergency works in TPLF’s EPRDF

Eprdf officially suspends half of the Constitutionally guaranteed rights by declaring a State of Emergency. here is How.

1.”The Law works retroactively”

In violation of Art. 22 of the Constitution

2.“Media platforms that appeared as Security threats could be shut down”

In violation of Art. 29 of the Constitution

3.“The right to Assembly and Demonstration are subjected to suspension”

In violation of Art. 30 of the Constitution

4.“Individuals suspected of inciting violence could be detained without an arrest warrant”

In violation Art. 17 & 19 of the Constitution

5.The Command post have a mandate to take proportional measures [including killing of individuals]”

In violation of Art. 15 of the Const.

6.“Substantive & Procedural laws are subject of suspension”

In violation of Art. 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 37 & 78 of the Constitution

7. “Gun possessors (including legal one) could be banned from entering into some areas”

In violation of Art.16 & 40 of the constitution

8. “Individuals could be quarantined for indefinite time”

In violation of Art. 17,19 and 32 of the Constitution

9. “Roads could be shut down randomly”

In violation of Art. 32 of the Constitution

10. “Any car or house could be searched without a search warrant”

In violation of Art. 19 & 26 of the Constitution

11. “Individuals could be randomly stopped and frisked”

In violation of Art. 16 & 26 of the constitution

12. “Curfew declared”

In violation of Art. 14, 17 & 32 of the Constitution

Does EU need a new approach on Ethiopia?

  • Addis Abeba. As a valuable friend, the EU needs to push Ethiopia to respect divergent views, and rein in forces who rapidly turn to bullets, beatings, and mass arrests. (Photo: Henrik Berger Jorgensen)

In January, the European Parliament passed a 19-point resolution condemning the Ethiopian government’s brutal crackdown on protests that had left more than a hundred dead. Many Ethiopians rejoiced at the resolution. I read it to some Ethiopian friends, who cried.

They had assumed Ethiopia was part of an international order in which no Western institution would dare criticise a trusted ally despite the government’s brutal repression.  They hoped the resolution would be a watershed in Europe’s relationship with Ethiopia.

But in the nine months since, the European Parliament’s outrage has not been matched by the European Union or its member countries. This despite the hundreds more Ethiopians killed throughout the country, the detention of tens of thousands, and widespread torture in detention, as we have documented.

Instead, on the sidelines of EU Development Days in June, High Representative Frederica Mogherini and Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn worked on a joint declaration “Towards an EU-Ethiopia Strategic Engagement” that proclaimed business as usual. While demonstrators were being shot, journalists and opposition members locked up, and peaceful activists punished, the EU was silently signing the cheques.

EU officials are quick to point to rare but tepid statements expressing concern for Ethiopia’s human rights situation but it’s not enough. The October 12 European parliamentary hearing on Ethiopia could be the catalyst for much stronger action —built on a willingness to use the considerable leverage that comes with providing various forms of support to the Ethiopian government, including €745 million in European aid for 2014-2020.

Ethiopia’s protests began last November in the largest region, Oromia, over the government’s development plans. Protests soon spread to the Amhara region where grievances focused on complex questions of ethnic identity and the dominance in economic and political affairs of people with ties to the ruling party.

Perfect storm

Security forces have shown no intention of changing their heavy-handed tactics, and the government hasn’t been willing to discuss the issues. The cycle of demonstrations and brutal government responses is feeding Ethiopia’s biggest political and human rights crisis in decades.

How this plays out could jeopardise Europe’s long-term interests in the Horn of Africa.

Ethiopia’s current crisis came as a surprise to many European policymakers, but it follows years of systematic government attacks on fundamental rights and freedoms, cutting off dissent.

Despite widespread frustration with the government, the ruling party is able to hold every one of the seats in the federal and regional parliaments.  The courts have shown little independence on politically sensitive cases, misusing  an anti-terrorism law to punish peaceful dissent.

There is little scrutiny of abusive security forces in part because of restrictions on independent media and NGOs. All of this has contributed to the complete closure of political space, creating the perfect storm.

An international investigation is needed

The EU is among many donors that have historically been silent about Ethiopia’s human rights abuses, afraid to risk strategic partnerships on development, migration, peacekeeping, and security.

Foreign diplomats and development organisations working in Ethiopia understand that you limit public criticism in exchange for access. The EU claims that “quiet diplomacy” is the most effective way to push Ethiopia in the right direction.

But given the dramatic deterioration in Ethiopia’s human rights record it’s hard to argue that this approach works.

Offering government benefits in exchange for silence is something many Ethiopians, particularly in rural areas, have known for years.

Ethiopia’s government carefully controls access to the benefits of development– including seeds, fertilisers, food aid, and jobs, much of it funded by the EU and its members.

To their credit, some African institutions have broken rank and expressed concern over the killings, including the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the African Union. And the United States, a key ally of Ethiopia, has been stronger than usual in condemning the use of lethal force, with forceful resolutions introduced in the US House and Senate.

Last month the UN’s top human rights official, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, said an international investigation is needed. A recent EU statement at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva echoed his call for an investigation, an important step that needs follow-up.

Investigate the killings

The EU needs a new approach to Ethiopia. Strategic relationships will become obsolete if Ethiopia plunges further into crisis, and all the signs are there.  As a valuable friend, the EU needs to push Ethiopia to respect divergent views, and rein in forces who rapidly turn to bullets, beatings, and mass arrests.

Ethiopia’s current approach to dissent guarantees future unrest and makes it less likely that the government will be able to find a way back to gain the trust of its citizens, all of which jeopardises the EU’s long term interests in the Horn.

The EU and its member states should continue to push for an international investigation into the killings, press the government to grant the UN access to investigate, and urge the government to hold to account security force members responsible for abuses.

By taking these steps, the EU and its member states can improve the potential for Ethiopians to be stable long-term partners.

Felix Horne is the senior Ethiopia researcher at Human Rights Watch.

Does EU need a new approach on Ethiopia?

  • Addis Abeba. As a valuable friend, the EU needs to push Ethiopia to respect divergent views, and rein in forces who rapidly turn to bullets, beatings, and mass arrests. (Photo: Henrik Berger Jorgensen)

In January, the European Parliament passed a 19-point resolution condemning the Ethiopian government’s brutal crackdown on protests that had left more than a hundred dead. Many Ethiopians rejoiced at the resolution. I read it to some Ethiopian friends, who cried.

They had assumed Ethiopia was part of an international order in which no Western institution would dare criticise a trusted ally despite the government’s brutal repression.  They hoped the resolution would be a watershed in Europe’s relationship with Ethiopia.

But in the nine months since, the European Parliament’s outrage has not been matched by the European Union or its member countries. This despite the hundreds more Ethiopians killed throughout the country, the detention of tens of thousands, and widespread torture in detention, as we have documented.

Instead, on the sidelines of EU Development Days in June, High Representative Frederica Mogherini and Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn worked on a joint declaration “Towards an EU-Ethiopia Strategic Engagement” that proclaimed business as usual. While demonstrators were being shot, journalists and opposition members locked up, and peaceful activists punished, the EU was silently signing the cheques.

EU officials are quick to point to rare but tepid statements expressing concern for Ethiopia’s human rights situation but it’s not enough. The October 12 European parliamentary hearing on Ethiopia could be the catalyst for much stronger action —built on a willingness to use the considerable leverage that comes with providing various forms of support to the Ethiopian government, including €745 million in European aid for 2014-2020.

Ethiopia’s protests began last November in the largest region, Oromia, over the government’s development plans. Protests soon spread to the Amhara region where grievances focused on complex questions of ethnic identity and the dominance in economic and political affairs of people with ties to the ruling party.

Perfect storm

Security forces have shown no intention of changing their heavy-handed tactics, and the government hasn’t been willing to discuss the issues. The cycle of demonstrations and brutal government responses is feeding Ethiopia’s biggest political and human rights crisis in decades.

How this plays out could jeopardise Europe’s long-term interests in the Horn of Africa.

Ethiopia’s current crisis came as a surprise to many European policymakers, but it follows years of systematic government attacks on fundamental rights and freedoms, cutting off dissent.

Despite widespread frustration with the government, the ruling party is able to hold every one of the seats in the federal and regional parliaments.  The courts have shown little independence on politically sensitive cases, misusing  an anti-terrorism law to punish peaceful dissent.

There is little scrutiny of abusive security forces in part because of restrictions on independent media and NGOs. All of this has contributed to the complete closure of political space, creating the perfect storm.

An international investigation is needed

The EU is among many donors that have historically been silent about Ethiopia’s human rights abuses, afraid to risk strategic partnerships on development, migration, peacekeeping, and security.

Foreign diplomats and development organisations working in Ethiopia understand that you limit public criticism in exchange for access. The EU claims that “quiet diplomacy” is the most effective way to push Ethiopia in the right direction.

But given the dramatic deterioration in Ethiopia’s human rights record it’s hard to argue that this approach works.

Offering government benefits in exchange for silence is something many Ethiopians, particularly in rural areas, have known for years.

Ethiopia’s government carefully controls access to the benefits of development– including seeds, fertilisers, food aid, and jobs, much of it funded by the EU and its members.

To their credit, some African institutions have broken rank and expressed concern over the killings, including the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the African Union. And the United States, a key ally of Ethiopia, has been stronger than usual in condemning the use of lethal force, with forceful resolutions introduced in the US House and Senate.

Last month the UN’s top human rights official, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, said an international investigation is needed. A recent EU statement at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva echoed his call for an investigation, an important step that needs follow-up.

Investigate the killings

The EU needs a new approach to Ethiopia. Strategic relationships will become obsolete if Ethiopia plunges further into crisis, and all the signs are there.  As a valuable friend, the EU needs to push Ethiopia to respect divergent views, and rein in forces who rapidly turn to bullets, beatings, and mass arrests.

Ethiopia’s current approach to dissent guarantees future unrest and makes it less likely that the government will be able to find a way back to gain the trust of its citizens, all of which jeopardises the EU’s long term interests in the Horn.

The EU and its member states should continue to push for an international investigation into the killings, press the government to grant the UN access to investigate, and urge the government to hold to account security force members responsible for abuses.

By taking these steps, the EU and its member states can improve the potential for Ethiopians to be stable long-term partners.

Felix Horne is the senior Ethiopia researcher at Human Rights Watch.