Who Controls The World’s Longest River?

When Ethiopia’s prime minister Hailemariam Desalegn visits Egypt this week to discuss bilateral cooperation in sectors like health, education, and agriculture one contentious issue will stand out: the completion of Africa’s largest dam.

It is no secret what Egypt thinks about the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), the centerpiece of the Horn of Africa nation’s bid to become Africa’s biggest exporter of electricity. From the get-go, Egypt was opposed to the idea of the dam, and politicians including former president Mohamed Morsi were caught on air proposing military action against Ethiopia.

Located in the headwaters of the Blue Nile and planned to produce 6,000 megawatts of electricity, the dam will be Africa’s largest hydroelectric power plant and will boost the economic growth of Ethiopia. As a downstream, desert nation, Egypt says the dam will disrupt the flow of the Nile to its almost 100 million people, potentially crippling its agricultural sector and industries.

During the filling of the reservoir, experts say the Nile’s freshwater flow to Egypt may be cut by 25%. This will also compound the other problems threatening the Nile including climate change, population boom, urban sprawl, besides rising sea levels that lead to saltwater intrusion.

Based on international accords signed in 1929 and amended in 1959, Egypt has always asserted its right to the lion’s share of the Nile’s water. But under president Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and as the dam has continued to take shape, Cairo seemed to have softened its stance, even signing a cooperation agreement in 2015 to study the potential impact of the dam. But those talks are yet to bear any fruit, and to boost its position in the dispute, Sisi launched a charm offensive by visiting upstream Nile Basin nations including Sudan, Tanzania, Rwanda—and even Ethiopia.

And now, geopolitical strains between Sudan and Egypt are threatening to undermine any progress and unravel a regional crisis. Tensions over who owns the Hala’ib Triangle on the Red Sea has flared again, leading Khartoum to recall its ambassador from Cairo in early January. In retaliation, Egypt sent hundreds of its troops to a United Arab Emirates military base in Eritrea, and Sudan responded by closing its border with Eritrea and sending more troops there.

Ethiopia's Grand Renaissance Dam seen under construction during a media tour in Benishangul Gumuz Region, Guba Woreda, Ethiopia, in this March 31, 2015 file photo.
Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam. (Reuters/Tiksa Negeri/Files)

The current tensions are also being exacerbated by what Cairo sees as Turkish meddling in the region. In December, president Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey visited Sudan, with president Omar al-Bashir agreeing to temporarily hand over the Red Sea port city of Suakin to Turkey to increase tourism—a move Cairo saw as Turkey’s attempt to build it third base abroad after the ones in Qatar and Somalia. Cairo also accuses both Khartoum and Ankara of supporting the Muslim Brotherhood, the banned Islamist outfit that was once the country’s most powerful political group.

On the Nile issue, Egypt also believes al-Bashir is on Ethiopia’s side and recently proposed excluding Sudan from the negotiations. Issandr El Amrani, the North Africa project director for the International Crisis Group, says Sudan’s shift is in part because of what it stands to gain including electricity supply and the prevention of flooding during rainy seasons.

The spat over the Nile also takes on a new significance as Egypt heads to the polls in March. President Sisi has said Egypt doesn’t want a warwith its neighbors and warned Egyptian media from using “offensive language” against them. But with no “trusted mechanism” for negotiations now, El Amrani says the dust-up will only intensify.

“The Nile issue is really important in Egypt,” he said. And “the larger question that we have to ask ourselves now is ‘Where is this headed?’”

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Who Controls The World’s Longest River?

When Ethiopia’s prime minister Hailemariam Desalegn visits Egypt this week to discuss bilateral cooperation in sectors like health, education, and agriculture one contentious issue will stand out: the completion of Africa’s largest dam.

It is no secret what Egypt thinks about the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), the centerpiece of the Horn of Africa nation’s bid to become Africa’s biggest exporter of electricity. From the get-go, Egypt was opposed to the idea of the dam, and politicians including former president Mohamed Morsi were caught on air proposing military action against Ethiopia.

Located in the headwaters of the Blue Nile and planned to produce 6,000 megawatts of electricity, the dam will be Africa’s largest hydroelectric power plant and will boost the economic growth of Ethiopia. As a downstream, desert nation, Egypt says the dam will disrupt the flow of the Nile to its almost 100 million people, potentially crippling its agricultural sector and industries.

During the filling of the reservoir, experts say the Nile’s freshwater flow to Egypt may be cut by 25%. This will also compound the other problems threatening the Nile including climate change, population boom, urban sprawl, besides rising sea levels that lead to saltwater intrusion.

Based on international accords signed in 1929 and amended in 1959, Egypt has always asserted its right to the lion’s share of the Nile’s water. But under president Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and as the dam has continued to take shape, Cairo seemed to have softened its stance, even signing a cooperation agreement in 2015 to study the potential impact of the dam. But those talks are yet to bear any fruit, and to boost its position in the dispute, Sisi launched a charm offensive by visiting upstream Nile Basin nations including Sudan, Tanzania, Rwanda—and even Ethiopia.

And now, geopolitical strains between Sudan and Egypt are threatening to undermine any progress and unravel a regional crisis. Tensions over who owns the Hala’ib Triangle on the Red Sea has flared again, leading Khartoum to recall its ambassador from Cairo in early January. In retaliation, Egypt sent hundreds of its troops to a United Arab Emirates military base in Eritrea, and Sudan responded by closing its border with Eritrea and sending more troops there.

Ethiopia's Grand Renaissance Dam seen under construction during a media tour in Benishangul Gumuz Region, Guba Woreda, Ethiopia, in this March 31, 2015 file photo.
Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam. (Reuters/Tiksa Negeri/Files)

The current tensions are also being exacerbated by what Cairo sees as Turkish meddling in the region. In December, president Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey visited Sudan, with president Omar al-Bashir agreeing to temporarily hand over the Red Sea port city of Suakin to Turkey to increase tourism—a move Cairo saw as Turkey’s attempt to build it third base abroad after the ones in Qatar and Somalia. Cairo also accuses both Khartoum and Ankara of supporting the Muslim Brotherhood, the banned Islamist outfit that was once the country’s most powerful political group.

On the Nile issue, Egypt also believes al-Bashir is on Ethiopia’s side and recently proposed excluding Sudan from the negotiations. Issandr El Amrani, the North Africa project director for the International Crisis Group, says Sudan’s shift is in part because of what it stands to gain including electricity supply and the prevention of flooding during rainy seasons.

The spat over the Nile also takes on a new significance as Egypt heads to the polls in March. President Sisi has said Egypt doesn’t want a warwith its neighbors and warned Egyptian media from using “offensive language” against them. But with no “trusted mechanism” for negotiations now, El Amrani says the dust-up will only intensify.

“The Nile issue is really important in Egypt,” he said. And “the larger question that we have to ask ourselves now is ‘Where is this headed?’”

Sign up for the Quartz Africa Weekly Brief — the most important and interesting news from across the continent, in your inbox.

Egypt Vs. Sudan?

Talks are stalled over how to deal with the impact of a $5 billion dam that could threaten Egypt’s lifeblood.

The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, currently under construction, on May 15, 2016.  (DigitalGlobe via Getty Images)
The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, currently under construction, on May 15, 2016. (DigitalGlobe via Getty Images)

A diplomatic spat between Egypt and Sudan is spilling over into the long-running dispute over a dam Ethiopia is building on the Nile River, which Cairo sees as an existential threat.

On Thursday, Sudan officially warned of threats to its eastern border from massing Egyptian and Eritrean troops, while Egypt has also moved into a disputed triangle of territory claimed by both Cairo and Khartoum. Late last week, Sudan abruptly recalled its ambassador to Egypt, the latest chapter in a fight that started last summer with trade boycotts and that has only intensified in recent weeks.

At heart, the bad blood is part of a broader regional conflict pitting Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and other countries against what they see as Turkey’s meddling in the region. Ankara has supported Qatar in its diplomatic battle with other Gulf States, and it is now jumping squarely into the Red Sea, making Egypt increasingly nervous. Cairo was particularly incensed when Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan visited Sudan in December 2017 and won rights to Suakin Island, a port city on the Red Sea, raising concerns that Ankara could build a military base there.

That diplomatic dustup is making it much harder to deal with another potentially explosive problem in the relationship: Sudan’s support for Ethiopia’s construction of a massive $5 billion dam on the Nile River that could choke off vital supplies of water downstream. Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has called the dam a matter of “life or death.”

All the regional rivalries around the Red Sea are intertwined, said Kelsey Lilley, associate director of the Africa Center at the Atlantic Council, “but the dam itself is a big irritant among the three countries.”

And while the three countries have butted heads over the dam for years, the feud between Egypt and Sudan is escalating quickly.

“The tensions are significant and real and higher than they’ve been,” said Steven Cook, a North Africa and Middle East expert at the Council on Foreign Relations. “Things are starting to come to a head.”

The broader dispute has cemented a freeze in talks between Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia on how to manage the impact of the dam, even as the clock is ticking. The dam is more than 60 percent complete, and Ethiopia could start to fill the reservoir as soon as this summer, leaving little time to find workable solutions.

“This should act as a political wake-up call for immediate action for joint decision-making on the filling issue, because 2019 will be a critical year,” said Dr. Ana Cascão, an expert on Nile hydropolitics, who has written extensively about the dam.

A dam at the head of the Blue Nile in the Ethiopian highlands has been a dream since the 1960s. But it was only in 2011 — when Egypt was rocked by the Arab Spring and facing domestic upheaval — that Ethiopia unilaterally decided to start work on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, the biggest hydroelectric project in Africa.

Ever since, Egypt has been terrified of the potential impacts. The dam, a huge power project at the head of the Blue Nile meant to meet fast-growing Ethiopia’s need for more electricity, will hold a year’s worth of river flow behind its concrete walls. Depending on how quickly Ethiopia fills the dam, downstream flows to Egypt could be restricted — a potentially fatal threat for a country dependent on agriculture that is already facing severe water shortages.

Death of the Nile

By Peter Schwartzstein BBC

The world’s longest river is sick –
and getting sicker

Booming populations have dirtied and drained it, while climate change threatens to cut its flow.

And some fear that competition over its dwindling waters could trigger a regional conflict.

The rains

The rot starts at the source.

For as long as the Nile has flowed, Ethiopia’s rains have made up the great bulk – over 80% – of its waters.

Fat droplets pour down from July to September, not stopping until the roads have been churned into impassable bogs.

Small inland seas emerge almost overnight, slicing the Amhara Plateau into a maze of soggy islets.
Gushing out of a forest just south of Lake Tana, the Blue Nile greedily soaks up this bounty, quickly swelling from a stream to a torrent.

Though slightly longer, the White Nile, which originates in East Africa’s Lake Victoria and merges with the Ethiopian branch at Khartoum, carries a fraction of the volume.

But these rains are not falling as they used to. And that is potentially catastrophic for the entire basin.

The Meher, the long summer wet season, is arriving late, and the shorter rains earlier in the year sometimes not at all.

“It’s so inconsistent now. Sometimes stronger, sometimes lighter, but always different,” said Lakemariam Yohannes Worku, a lecturer and climate researcher at Arba Minch University.

When it does rain, the storms are often fiercer, washing over a billion tons of Ethiopian sediment into the Nile each year, which clogs dams and deprives farmers of much-needed soil nutrients.

Population growth has fuelled this phenomenon, as expanding families fell trees to free up more space and provide construction materials. Monster floods have also become much more common.

As crops wither and food prices soar, many rural communities, who have historically relied on steady rains rather than rivers to irrigate their land, have been pitched even deeper into desperate poverty.

Some villagers have given up on agriculture altogether, trying their luck instead in Bahir Dar, the regional hub – or nine hours’ bus drive away in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s booming capital.

Most have simply struggled on, subsisting on reduced rations while hoping against hope that the rains will normalize. Church attendance has increased, a priest told me.

For a small minority, however, enough is enough. Even in poor, out-of-the-way hamlets with no TVs or electricity, many have heard of the possibility of seeking their fortunes in Europe.

After dropping out of school to help his family work their battered farm and selling his prized bicycle to buy new seeds, Getish Adamu, a rake thin 17-year-old from Dangla, near the Blue Nile’s source, is among those considering chancing the perilous desert paths to the Mediterranean.

Getish Adamu is considering his future

Getish Adamu is considering his future

“Myself, I am undecided. I would like to stay with my family,” he said. “But if these rains go on like this, I will not be able to stay.” If the Nile rains continue to ebb and flow, nor will many others.

Dam conflict

The further the Nile goes, the more sordid its problems become.

Thirty miles after leaving Lake Tana, the river plunges over the majestic Blue Nile falls, and then enters a long web of deep cliff-lined gorges.

Gathering strength with each arriving tributary, it cascades down 1,500 metres from the highlands to the semi-arid plains below. It is the most beautiful, most isolated and, perhaps, the most troubled portion of the entire basin.

That is because Ethiopia’s sparsely-populated wild west is mired in squabbles both local and international.

From the controversial construction of Africa’s largest dam in the rugged hinterland just shy of the Sudanese border, to Addis Ababa’s alleged displacement of tens of thousands of villagers in order to lease their prime Nile-side land to foreign agribusinesses, an uneasy pall hangs over the entire area.

Just reporting there means navigating a complicated minefield of checkpoints, informants, and terrified interviewees.

“You have to understand there are things we cannot talk about,” said Samuel, a restaurant chef in Injibera, blanching noticeably when asked about nearby land grabs. “These are the questions that get you into trouble.”

He was not exaggerating. Days later, security forces raided my hotel room, taking only my reporting pads (and some of my Snickers stash). On another occasion, I was turned back at a police roadstop near Chagni while trying to reach some of the largest chunks of confiscated farmland.

Of all these hot-button issues, it is the dam – the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) – that has really stoked the region’s hopes and fears.

GERD under construction in 2015(Getty Images)

GERD under construction in 2015
(Getty Images)

At a little over a mile long and with a generating capacity of roughly 7GW, the Nile megastructure is seen by many Ethiopians as a tangible illustration of their country’s emergence after the humiliation of the famines in the 1980s and 90s.

Roadside billboards superimposed with politicians’ faces tout its potential to bring electricity to millions; schoolchildren sing about it. “This is our destiny,” some of them chant. Across western Ethiopia, many residents excitedly await their new neighbour.

But to downstream Egypt, which is mostly desert, receives little rain, and consequently relies on the river for more than 95% of its water, the possibility that GERD might cut the Nile’s flow is perceived as an existential crisis.

A 1959 treaty apportioned all Nile waters to Egypt and Sudan, though Ethiopia and the other upstream riverine states dispute its legitimacy, saying it was drawn up in the colonial era when most African countries had little say in their own affairs.

There have been threats of war from Cairo, and fierce sabre-rattling on both sides. If there is ever a regional conflagration over water, this stunning, almost impossibly green stretch of the river will likely be at the heart of it.

“It all looks so peaceful, no?” a naval officer called Moses told me over beers at a shoreline Bahir Dar bar. “But we are all aware that we are on the frontline. This is where the water is, the dam, the best land.”

Despite losing access to the sea when Eritrea broke away in 1991, Ethiopia has maintained a naval facility on Lake Tana. “We might need it in the future,” Moses added, cryptically.

The sprawling cities

Khartoum, where the Blue and White Niles meet

And then there is the human impact.

For Nile travellers, Khartoum has always marked both a necessary and symbolic port of call.

Perched at the point where the Blue and White Niles meet, it is only here that the river finally takes on its broad, sleepy, familiar form. After more than a thousand miles of separation, it is only at this juncture that one can readily identify each branch’s distinctive features.

The Blue Nile, swollen and coloured brown by the Ethiopian rains, roars into the confluence, pushing back for miles its insipid and slightly yellow counterpart. At other times of the year (during the dry season), the two run alongside one another in what some poetic locals refer to as the “longest kiss in history”.

But the reality no longer matches the romance. Because it is also here, in its first meeting with a major metropolis, that the Nile’s water quality begins to falter.

Pummelled with sewage almost from the moment it enters the city, it is in Khartoum that the river receives a rude taster of what soaring population growth will mean for its health.

Egypt’s numbers have more than quadrupled since 1960; Ethiopia is adding roughly 2.5 million new people a year. The basin’s total population is on track to double to 500 million by 2050.

As governments struggle to service their new citizens’ needs, the Nile is soaking up more and more of the shortfall.

“We’ve always treated the river badly, we’ve always assumed it was big enough,” said Youssef Abugroun, an engineer and part-time fisherman, whose regular evening sessions now net him around 10% of his catch a decade ago. “But maybe we’re just too many for that now.”

For the most part, Khartoum’s problems mirror those of other booming Nile cities. The municipal wastewater network has barely grown even as the Sudanese capital’s boundaries have massively expanded over the past few decades.

With inadequate rubbish disposal facilities, factories and businesses have taken matters into their own hands, dumping everything from toxic run-off from nearby munitions plants, to unwanted exotic animal parts from the downtown ivory market, into the muddy, chemical-tainted shallows.

But in Sudan, a fierce crackdown on civil society has compounded the crisis. In 2014, the state jailed the leaders of a consumer protection group after they pushed it too hard. Fearful of suffering a similar fate, the country’s environmentalists have had to temper their pursuit of the worst polluters.

“We do advocacy, sometimes we go to court against government actions,” said Mutasim Bashir Nimir of the Sudanese Environment Conservation Society (SECS),when we met at his organisation’s modest office in south Khartoum. “But we need to balance. We try to survive.”

The encroaching sands

All this before the desert has its say.

Meandering further north, through the Sahara, the Nile settles into a lazy, somnolent rhythm.

It drifts past the Pyramids of Meroe, which stand battered by sandstorms and almost unvisited by tourists, and then on to the Merowe dam. Soon after the fourth cataract, it reaches Karima, supposedly the hottest town on the river.

Working in conditions that are almost calculated to kill any crop, farmers here have learnt to cope with whatever man or nature throws at them.

When the mercury tops 45 C, as it often does by noon, they cultivate their fruit and vegetable plots, most of which survive under thick tree canopies that residents have planted up for this purpose.

When the wobbly power supply cuts out, which frequently happens – especially since the turbines of the Roseires and Sennar dams became stuffed up with Ethiopia’s Nile sediment – they turn to diesel generators to fuel their water pumps.

For every problem, they’ve always found a solution. Until now.

Investment in new technology is helping combat the desert advance 

Investment in new technology is helping combat the desert advance

That is because the desert is eating into the narrow – sometimes only 150 metre-wide – farmable strip along the Nile at an unprecedented pace. The sands are advancing day and night, and the traditional preventative measures, like planting deep-rooted mesquite trees or stringing up fences of yellowing palm leaves around fields, are no longer helping.

Trapped between the devilish dunes and the big blue river, farms are being swallowed whole.

“If they brought the map of the area to the minister of the environment, he wouldn’t recognize anything,” said Osman Abdul Moati, only half-joking, as he showed off the billowing sandbanks that threaten to engulf his wheat fields in the shadow of the holy Jebel Barkal mountain, on Karima’s edge. “The productive land is vanishing.”

Osman Abdul Moati

Osman Abdul Moati

A lot of this appears to be due to climate change, and it is happening up and down the Nile valley.

The desert has marched 120km into the scrubland to the south of Khartoum over the past 30 years, the UN Environment Programme says. Temperatures, too, are hitting outrageous new highs, increasing evaporation from the river.

But in northern Sudan, the situation has reached breaking point in large part because many young farmers, whose labour is needed to keep the desert at bay, have been lured away by the promise of easy riches at nearby gold mines.

In their stead, some landowners have taken on migrants from Ethiopia, Eritrea and the troubled Sudanese region of Darfur, all looking to earn a little additional cash as they make their way north, but others have simply ditched tools and relocated to the cities. This is deeply problematic for a poor country that already shells out money it can ill-afford on wheat imports.

As with Ethiopia’s long-suffering hill farmers, those who have battled on are questioning if it is still worth it. “In the past, summer was summer, and winter was winter, but now everything’s mixed up,” said Awad Hawran, who grows mangoes, sugar cane, dates, and watermelons on a one-and-a-half acre plot aside the Nile.

“It’s hard to continue farming when even the desert and weather are against you.”

Poisoned Sea

So what happens now? Might the Nile’s sorry state one day lead to war?

By the time the river reaches Cairo, it is utterly filthy.

The banks are laced with rubbish, and the water is gloopy and often gleaming with toxins. Already, farmers are complaining of water shortages in the northern Delta, as the Nile’s increasingly meagre flow struggles to filter through clogged-up irrigation canals.

To officials staring out from Cairo’s riverside ministries, it is a grim, in-your-face illustration of their country’s precarious water future. “The Nile is everything to us – what we drink, what we eat,” said Ali Menoufi, from the Ministry of Water Resources. “It would be a disaster if anything happened to it.”

The rhetoric and tenor of Nile basin relations over the past few years have reflected the high stakes.

A politician in a previous Egyptian administration called for a strike on Ethiopia’s prized dam in 2013, while state-owned media in Addis Ababa has not been shy about ratcheting up tensions in response.

As GERD has neared completion, authorities in Cairo have bolstered their strategic capabilities, acquiring two French Mistral long range-strike warships in a move that analysts believe is at least partly calculated to send a message to their southern rival.

“All options are on the table,” said Ahmed Abu Zeid, the foreign ministry spokesman and a former Nile talks negotiator, when asked whether military action remains an option.

History suggests that the Nile basin states are unlikely to come to blows over the river any time soon. Transboundary water disputes have a strong record of peaceful resolution, and there are indications that Egypt is reconciling itself to the dam’s inevitability.

However, Ethiopia’s intense secretiveness over GERD’s ramifications remains a stumbling block, as do the negotiations over how long it will take to fill the dam’s enormous reservoir.

And the war of words continues to play out in some unsavoury ways.

Ethiopian Oromo refugees in Egypt report increased harassment whenever GERD hits the news. Some Ethiopian monasteries, including Lake Tana’s island churches, which have traditionally enjoyed close ties with their Coptic Orthodox brethren, have broken off relations, sending Egyptian monks home.

At a time when Sudan is leasing millions of acres of arable Nile-side land to Gulf Arab agribusinesses – at least 2.5 million to the UAE, there are myriad potential banana skins on the road ahead.

“If you think about it. We’re growing and the river’s not,” said Gebremichael Mengistu, an Ethiopian university student I met in Bahir Dar, ably summing up the source of the tension. “It was always going to come to this.”

But there is still enough river for a fittingly bleak end.

For the fishermen who ply their trade around Rosetta, where the western branch seeps into the Mediterranean, the Nile’s shabby state has proven particularly disastrous.

Much of their river catch has died off, and what they do hook looks so unpalatable that they usually won’t eat it. The Nile’s final stretch is so poisonous that even out on the open sea, around the river mouth, few species can survive, fishermen say.

“We worshipped the river, but now we want nothing to do with it,” said Khamees Khalla, untangling his nets steps from the fort where the Rosetta Stone, the key to deciphering hieroglyphics, was found. “We all have the same tactic – get as far away from the river as possible.”

Battered by challenging fishing conditions – and by increased competition as many beleaguered coastal farmers try their hand at sea – some trawlermen have turned to crime.
Twice, Mohammed, a Rosetta-based fisherman, has ferried migrants and refugees part of the way to Europe, and twice he has almost been caught. But with the river no longer the cash cow it once was and people from other struggling parts of the Nile basin willing to pay much more than he earns fishing for safe passage, he insists he is not deterred.

“I would prefer to make my living from the Nile, like my father, like my father’s father, but that’s just not possible any more,” he said.

How Egypt Is Slowly Losing Its Hold Over the Nile River?

WPR

How Egypt Is Slowly Losing Its Hold Over the Nile River

For millennia, the Nile River has served as the backbone of Egypt, the lifeblood of its people. Gradually, though, the land of the pharaohs is losing its grip.

Late last month, Uganda hosted the first ever heads-of-state summit aimed at resolving disagreements over the waters of the Nile. But it produced no major breakthrough and appeared to be a flop. In coming months, the opening of a major dam in Ethiopia will truly test Egypt’s anxieties that countries upstream are refusing to bow to its demands. The dam’s opening will reveal just how much leverage Egypt has lost.

Egypt has a strong historical and legal claim to the Nile dating back to the colonial era, but that framework is being undercut by rapid development and population growth upstream. Currently, more than 430 million people live across the 11 countries that make up the Nile Basin: Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Tanzania, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Eritrea. The population of the Nile Basin is likely to jump to nearly 1 billion by 2050.

The upstream countries “can’t wait forever for Egypt to get onboard,” says Aaron Wolf, a professor of geosciences at Oregon State University. At the same time, he adds, the river is being valued less for its water supply and more as a means of producing electricity. “That whole conversation is shifting both the power balance and the interest to upstream states.”

Under a 1959 agreement, rights to virtually all of the Nile’s water was split between Egypt, which is entitled to 55.5 billion cubic meters, and Sudan, with 18.5 billion. Egyptians and Sudanese depend on the water much more than their upstream neighbors; Egypt in particular receives practically no rainfall, and relies on the mighty river for 97 percent of its water. But over the years, upstream countries have taken issue with the terms of that decades-old agreement, to which they were never parties.

In 1999, nine riparian countries formed the Nile Basin Initiative to try and manage the waters. South Sudan became the 10th member after it gained independence in 2011; Eritrea sits as an observer. The initiative began work on a new framework for governing the river, but Egypt and Sudan refused to sign on to a deal reached by other nations in 2010, known as the Entebbe Agreement. Egypt subsequently froze its participation in the initiative and has held out ever since, insisting it won’t return unless it is guaranteed notification before the construction of any new project on the river and until all decisions are made by consensus.

Other nations are loath to give Cairo de facto veto power over their domestic infrastructure plans. But to hear Egypt tell it, any major change to the framework and its historical water rights could leave it dying of thirst.

Sissi has made a noticeable push toward greater engagement with his African neighbors south of the Sahara, but the dispute over the Nile is proving to be a stubborn obstacle.

That position inspired Egypt’s initial opposition to the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which is scheduled to open along the Blue Nile at some point in the next three or four months. Ethiopians view the dam, which will be Africa’s largest hydroelectric facility, as a source of national pride that they hope will power the continent’s fastest-growing economy. When construction is complete, the dam will stand more than a mile wide and 570 feet tall, and will more than double the country’s current capacity to generate energy. Waters from the Blue Nile comprise roughly 80 percent of the river that traces its way into Egypt.

For decades, Egyptian politicians have discussed any interference with the Nile’s waters as an existential threat. In 2013, Egyptian politicians unknowingly mused about sabotaging the Ethiopian dam on live television. Before construction began in 2011, Egypt reportedly considered a military response to block Ethiopia from interfering with the river’s flow. Decades earlier, Egyptian President Anwar Sadat declared that water was “the only matter that could take Egypt to war again.”

Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan—where the Blue and White Niles meet to form the great river—signed a deal to resolve their dispute in 2015. Egypt has since offered grumbling support for the dam, suggesting it recognizes the need to support upstream nations’ demands. Once the dam opens, no one expects Egypt to take a rash step and follow up on Sadat’s old threat.

But Egypt’s internal politics have made it difficult to back down entirely, so some amount of posturing is likely. Yet Cairo has few cards to play.

The more apocalyptic predictions about the dam’s impact on Egypt’s waters are likely overstated, says Kevin Wheeler of Oxford University’s Environmental Change Institute. “There’s a lot of hyperbole, ranging from some believing it’ll do nothing, to others claiming that it will devastate Egypt,” Wheeler says. “Neither of those two extremes are accurate, and there’s a lot of space in the middle for reality.” If anything, the dam could help regulate water flowing into Egypt and keep the country supplied during times of drought.

The biggest test will be in the first few years, as Ethiopia plugs up the Blue Nile to fill a vast new reservoir. If Egypt and Ethiopia are on the same page, Wheeler says, they will be best positioned to mitigate any droughts or water shortages. After that, water is likely to flow downstream at a constant pace.

The Ethiopian dam was not explicitly on the agenda during the recent Nile summit. But Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi were the only two foreign leaders who bothered to show up, suggesting that other nations want them to resolve their differences before anything else can be accomplished.

The summit began inauspiciously, when presidential guards for Sissi and Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni got into a shoving match inside the State House, Uganda’s presidential residence. It didn’t get much better when technical teams from multiple countries reportedly walked out at one point during the discussions. Analysts said little of consequence had been achieved.

Sissi has made a noticeable push toward greater engagement with his African neighbors south of the Sahara, but the dispute over the Nile is proving to be a stubborn obstacle. Still, his presence in Kampala suggests that he recognizes Egypt’s changing position and is trying to maintain some authority.

With Egypt’s population set to grow by nearly 30 million by 2030, its own demand for water will increase. All the while, climate change will increase the variability of the river’s flow by 50 percent, according to a recent study by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. The Nile’s volume is likely to rise by 10 to 15 percent, researchers predict, but there will also be more years of drought as well as years of surplus. All that instability might make it more appealing to rely on a system of dams that regularize and control the river’s flow.

The passage of time will force Egypt into signing on to a new or modified river management agreement, predicts Salman M. A. Salman, a consultant and former water law adviser for the World Bank. “Egypt will look right and left and will find that the dam is completed, that Ethiopia is trying to build other dams and the only alternative left for them is to cooperate,” Salman says. “Time is not on their side.”

Julian Hattem is a journalist based in Kampala, Uganda. You can follow him on Twitter at @jmhattem.

Former President Mubarak considered using Tu-160 to destroy Ethiopian dam

Egyptindependent

An unverified voice recording attributed to Egypt’s Former President Mohamed Hosni Mubarak has generated great controversy among Egyptian social media users.

The recording, which surfaced on a Facebook page titled ‘Ana Asef Ya Rais’ [‘I’m sorry Mr. President’], featured statements from Mubarak on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam ‘GERD’.

Mubarak relinquished power in 2011 following the 25 January Revolution and has been subjected to judicial trials since.

In the unverified voice clip, Mubarak said that Ethiopia did not dare to establish GERD during his era, adding that he had the ability to destroy it with Russian-made Tupolev Tu-160 fighters, if it had.

Mubarak also asserted in the recording that Egypt is currently considered a weak country, unlike in the past when the world saw it as powerful one.

Egypt Independent made several attempts to reach administrators of the Facebook page that broadcast the voice recording of Mubarak.

Regional powers back studies on impact of Ethiopia’s Nile dam

Reuters- Dam has become a bone of contention between Ethiopia and Egypt, downstream from the dam and relying almost exclusively on the Nile for agricultural, industrial and domestic water use

KHARTOUM, Sept 20 (Reuters) – Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia commissioned studies into the environmental and economic impact of a $4 billion dam on the Nile that Addis Ababa aims to make the centrepiece of its bid to become Africa’s biggest power exporter.

The 6,000-megawatt Grand Renaissance Dam, situated close to Ethiopia’s border with Sudan and being built by Italy’s largest construction firm Salini Impregilo SpA, is due for completion next year.

It has become a bone of contention between Ethiopia and Egypt, downstream from the dam and relying almost exclusively on the Nile for agricultural, industrial and domestic water use.

Addis Ababa has complained Cairo has pressured international donors and lenders to withhold funding for the project, while Egypt has sought assurances the dam will not significantly cut the flow of water to its rapidly growing population.

Egyptian state news agency MENA said the two countries plus Sudan signed contracts on Tuesday tasking two French firms, BRL and Artelia, with conducting studies into the dam’s impact.

Gilles Rocquelain, BRL Director General, said the studies would start in late 2016 and take 11 months.

The leaders of the three countries signed a co-operation deal in Khartoum last year to pave the way for a joint approach to regional water supplies.

In all, Ethiopia plans to spend some $12 billion on harnessing its rivers for hydro power production in the next two decades.

(Reporting by Khaled Abdelaziz; Additional reporting by Omar Fahmy in Cairo; Writing by Asma Alsharif; Editing by John Stonestreet)

Egyptian satellite to monitor construction of Ethiopia’s disputed dam

By Ayat Al-Tawy A new Egyptian satellite will track the construction of an Ethiopian hydroelectric dam over which officials in Cairo and Addis Ababa have been locked in a standoff over fears that the project will hinder Egypt’s access to Read More ...

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Egyptian satellite to monitor construction of Ethiopia’s disputed dam

By Ayat Al-Tawy A new Egyptian satellite will track the construction of an Ethiopian hydroelectric dam over which officials in Cairo and Addis Ababa have been locked in a standoff over fears that the project will hinder Egypt’s access to Read More ...

The post Egyptian satellite to monitor construction of Ethiopia’s disputed dam appeared first on 6KILO.com.

Ethiopia accused of stalling negotiations with Egypt and Sudan over Renaissance Dam

Future of negotiations remains unclear as Ethiopia asks to postpone the tripartite meeting of 4 October Ahram Online A tripartite meeting that was supposed to be held in Egypt on Sunday has been postponed upon the request of Addis Ababa in the latest setback to efforts to reach a compromise over Ethiopia’s Renaissance Dam. Egypt

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